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Disclaimer: The opinions expressed on this website are those of the authors, and not necessarily those of the website, or other authors appearing in it.  Nor do the authors necessarily agree with one another.

 

Mission statement: This is a free-thinking, plain-speaking and liberal website. We have no particular axe to grind; and we do not suffer fools gladly. You are more than welcome to add your thoughts through the Contact Us box; anonymity is guaranteed, in fact, is the order of the day. Any contribution regarded as inappropriate, within a liberal frame of reference, will of course be struck off immediately. Absolutely no pecksniffery.

 

Here comes Kenya Tembo’, the best and leading liberal website about the dearly beloved country, that always asks ‘WHY’, and does its utmost to give you an honest, direct answer – not to mention ‘WHO’, ‘WHAT’, 'WHEN', WHERE’ and ‘HOW’. And raises a smile or two, to brighten up your day.

 

For a full Index, go to Site Map: 

(Some readers may have difficulty in clicking on links; this is probably because they have had hard spaces and carriage returns inserted, so as not to stretch the page width. Try copying the entire link out of the page, pasting it into Notepad, and then removing spaces and carriage returns. Then paste this into your browser box at the top of the page.)

 

QUESTION: WHY IS IT THAT THERE HAS NOT BEEN ONE WHIT OF A DENIAL OF THE THESIS BELOW, EVEN THOUGH IT HAS BEEN POSTED NOW ON ‘KENYA TEMBO’ FOR MORE THAN TWO WEEKS, FROM ANYONE NAMED IN THE ARTICLES (APART FROM ACADEMICS), OR INDEED, THE BRITISH ESTABLISHMENT OR DEEP STATE ITSELF? WE AT ‘KENYA TEMBO’ STAND TO BE CORRECTED, AS ALWAYS.

 

The thesis: from the early years of Kenya as a country in the 1900s, the white settlers themselves were not really at fault, it was always the Central Secretariat and Government House in Nairobi – and by extension, the British establishment or deep state behind them – that failed dismally to take account of legitimate African economic demands and political aspirations. As a result, both the colonial administration and settlerdom after the Second World War ossified (hardened) into a hide-bound carapace (shell) which was cracked by Mau Mau in the early-to-mid 1950s. However, while this let through economic reform, political power – and partially, wealth, and critically, Land – was transferred into the hands of the present corrupt and grasping political African elite, while most of Kenya’s population, currently numbering 40 million, and poverty stricken, was swindled. The chief agent of this transfer was the country’s first President, Jomo Kenyatta, who protected British economic and geostrategic interests, as did his successors. Kenyatta had been broken and suborned by the British deep state in the 1950s during his imprisonment at Lokitaung.

 

FOR MAU MAU REFLECTIONS, SEE TEMBO15 

 

See: ‘Philosophy in a Time of Terror’: discourse with Jürgen Habermas, downpage

 

   

 

 

Black Dog

 

 

 ‘Black Shuck’, folkloric spectre, East Anglia, England, sightings still reported.

Black Shuck or Old Shuck is the name given to a ghostly black dog which is said to roam the Norfolk, Essex and Suffolk coastline. The Legend: For centuries, inhabitants of East Anglia have told tales of a large black hellhound with malevolent flaming eyes (or in some variants of the legend a single eye) that are red or alternatively green. They are described as being ‘like saucers’. According to reports, the beast varies in size and stature from that of simply a large dog to being the size of a horse. The legends of Black Shuck roaming the Anglian countryside date back to the time of the Vikings. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_Shuck

 

 

 

"All truth passes through three stages:
First, it is ridiculed;
Second, it is violently opposed; and
Third, it is accepted as self-evident."

Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1860)

 

 

Inference is a legitimate historical method - Jomo, God and Modernity, John Lonsdale. (Tembo: Yes, but perhaps the most easily challenged, and difficult to defend.)

 

 

‘Kenyatta went into prison as a self-seeking and irresponsible agitator, over fond of the bottle, paunchy, given to rhetoric, a sick man with a short life expectancy. He came out of prison with his health much improved, a mature, hard-working elder statesman with a breadth of understanding rare in African politics, and a willingness to work with the British to achieve peaceful independence. For this Wouse must receive much of the credit.

 

 

All the minor events of the imprisonment, the attacks on Kenyatta, his illnesses, his special treatment, have been buried in secrecy.’ P195, ‘Jomo’s Jailor’, Elizabeth Watkins, see below: Wouse Kenyatta’s British interlocutor.)

 

Lokitaung - desolation hell-hole, see Tembo14

 

This man was Lt. Col. de Robeck. He had served in Burma during the war where he had met China, and now became friendly with both China and Kenyatta, on occasion driving them to his  house to borrow books. His sympathy may have arisen partly from his recognition of Kenyatta's  poor health. In his handing-over report to Tennent in 1955 de Robeck revealed that Kenyatta's  heart rate was so high that he was expected 'to snuff it' at any moment, and that he was not  supposed to put his head down to his feet. Should the expected occur, a ready-written telegram lay in his desk drawer, to secure an immedate visit of a high-powered doctor and an unprejudiced post-mortem. Turkana Annual Report.1955.

 

Kenyatta had indeed been seriously ill. In addition to the heart complaint he developed eczema, a usual enough complaint in Turkana, but his condition was greatly exacerbated by the Asian doctor who gave him an innoculation against smallpox. He became so ill that doctors had to be flown from Nairobi. Others became concerned, and many important visitors, including the Governor, Sir Evelyn Baring, flew into Lokitaung to see the prisoners.

Turkana had been unaffected by Mau Mau, except for the prisons and the number of visitors who now arrived. Normally distances were too long and the roads too rough to attract senior  officers on tour, and even the Provincial Commissior visited only once a year. Then suddenly in 1954 visitors started to arrive. Wouse listed them: they included the Provincial  Commissioner, the Commissioner of Prisons, the Director of Medical Service, the Secretary for  Welfare and Development, the Provincial Medical Officer, and the Prison Medical Adviser.

 

This influx was to continue year after year, each lot of visitors bidding the administrators  goodbye with the words, 'I don't expect you see many visitors up here.' Lokitaung Annual  Report, 1954. P186, ‘Jomo’s Jailor’, Elizabeth Watkins

 

‘Some years ago Frank Kitson, who had been in charge of Kenyatta's detention, told me that the real decision was whether or not to let him kill himself by giving him the bottle of spirits he was then demanding and consuming every day. The decision Kitson took — to refuse him drink and dry him out — was a fateful one in Kenya's history.’ R W Johnson, review in 2005 of BRITAIN'S GULAG: The Brutal End of Empire in Kenya, by Caroline Elkins; and HISTORIES OF THE HANGED: Britain's Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire, by David Anderson. http://entertainment.timesonline.co.uk/ tol/arts_and_entertainment/books/article408636.ece

 

'One story widely believed by the general public and at least some government officers at the time Mzee was serving his sentence at Lokitaung in the Turkana district I can refute categorically. It is common knowledge that prior to his arrest Mzee was a true gentleman in that he could see any man under the table where the consumption of alcohol was concerned.......

'In prison at Lokitaung Mzee and his fellow convicts were obliged to submit from the start to prison regulations. No exceptions of any kind were made. He submitted to the regulations as a common convict. He never grumbled and never asked for the special diet. I do not have to confirm that prison regulations forbid access to alcohol or drugs and access to food provided from outside. But despite this common knowledge the story got around that Mzee was being provided with a bottle of brandy a day. I was personally acquainted about this by a friend at a lunch at the then Chief Native Commissioner's (a friend) who asked me if there was any truth in the story.'.

 

 

Thirty years after the events described, Wouse took three pages of wavering foolscap to lead up to his rumour, analyzing why it might have been put about, and another three pages to deny  it, explaining that he went up to inspect sufficiently often to be sure that nothing like  this occurred. The hurt must have gone deep, because it smirched the quality of his 'rapport' with the President, turning it into a cupboard love.' PP196,197 Leslie Whitehouse [nickname: ‘Wouse’] papers.’ from Jomo's Jailor, by Elizabeth Watkins, see: Wouse Kenyatta’s British interlocutor below.

 

 

Cover of 'Facing Mount Kenya'

 

 

Depression, alcohol and antabuse

Depression And Alcoholism

‘Depression is a complex medical disorder and has been recognized since the days of Hippocrates. The disorder has been portrayed in movies, literature and the arts for many centuries. No one culture or ethnic group is immune from the ravages of depression. In the 1950s and 60s, depression was categorized into two types, endogenous and neurotic (reactive). Endogenous depression is caused by something inside the body, perhaps genetic or maybe just plain bad luck. Neurotic or reactive depression has a definitive external precipitating factor, such as the death of a spouse, friend, child or loss of a job. In the 1970s and 80s, the global impact of depression was fully realized and the focus of attention shifted from the cause of depression to its effects on the afflicted individuals and their treatment.

Today, most health care experts agree that irrespective of the classification, depressive disorder is a syndrome (group of symptoms) that reflects a sad mood over and above normal sorrow or grief. More specifically, the sadness of depression is characterized by a larger intensity and duration and by more intense symptoms and functional disabilities than is seen in normal.

There is a lot of evidence that depression in some individuals with alcoholism may be related to excessive alcohol consumption, intoxication and/or withdrawal effects that mimic some depressive disorders. Although the link between depression and alcoholism is well established, the reason for this association is not understood. Some believe that perhaps both alcohol and depression may have similar etiology- possibly resulting from heavy alcohol drinking, or there may be an indirect connection which may be related to excess alcohol intake that may predispose on to depression. It is hoped that if an association between major depression and alcoholism can be established, this may provide health care professionals a better understanding of the two diagnosis and hopefully a improved treatment.

One of the largest study conducted in the USA revealed that there is a significant association between previous alcohol dependence and current or recent major depressive disorder. These researchers suggest that treatment of depression should not be withheld in recovering alcoholics because of the concern that the symptoms may represent prolonged intoxication or withdrawal effects. Treatment of recovering alcoholics may reduce the risk of relapse.’ http://www.alcoholtreatmentclinics.com/depression-and-alcoholism/

 

‘Fifty two patients with psoriasis (n=38) and eczema (n=14) abusing alcohol had significantly reduced blood nicotinic acid levels. Total nicotinic acid in these two groups of patients was only 270±3.2 and 385±12.8 mg% respectively compared with its normal value 620±4.6 mg%. Free and albumin-bound nicotinic acid levels were 183±1.6 and 87±1.0 mg% respectively in psoriatic patients and 301±10.7 and 84±2.1 mg% in patients with eczema compared with 310±2.3 and 310±4.6 mg% respectively in healthy subjects (n=37). The heavy drinkers had the most severe forms of either disease characterized by extensive rash, strong itching, desquamation, and moist skin.  Therapy of these conditions encountered great difficulty.  Preparations of picamilon and vitamin B6 (pyridoxal phosphate) were used in combination with piracetam (Nootropil) to treat 28 patients with psoriasis, eczema, alcohol abuse.  Based on high therapeutic efficiency of these products bringing blood nicotinic acid levels to normal, they are recommended as choice agents for combined therapy of patients with psoriasis and eczema abusing alcohol.’

http://www.picamilon.net/picamilon/picamilon-20.htm 

 

Nickel Eczema and Antabuse

 

‘Drugs that interfere with nickel and cobalt metabolism may cause flare-up reactions in patients who are sensitive to these metals. Veien described four nickel-sensitive patients who experienced flares of dermatitis after the initiation of Antabuse (disulfiram) therapy for alcoholism. Disulfiram chelates nickel. Two of the patients in this study developed vesicular hand eczema.

Case studies of patients who inadvertently developed dermatitis while being treated with Antabuse for chronic alcoholism are paralleled by studies of the deliberate use of Antabuse as a chelating agent in the treatment of nickel-allergic patients............Nickel levels in the plasma and urine of alcoholics treated with disulfiram remained high during the treatment period. The aforedescribed experience indicates that nickel may cause systemic contact dermatitis and that recurrent vesicular hand eczema may be one of the clinical features of this type of dermatitis.’ P154, Hand Eczema By Torkil Menné, Howard I. Maibach

http://books.google.com/books?id=oAPYANdl7BMC&pg=RA1-PA154&lpg=RA1-PA154&dq=eczema+%2B+alcoholism&source=web&ots=IS1TjHdeGJ&sig=GQ2tZE152h6Y4hWnVJ7eEOkAqBI#PRA1-PA154,M1

 

 

 

History and Antiprotozoal use

 

‘The drug's action was discovered by accident in 1948 by the researchers Erik Jacobsen, Jens Hald, and Keneth Ferguson at the Danish drug company Medicinalco. The substance was intended to provide a remedy for parasitic infestations; however, workers testing the substance on themselves reported severe symptoms after alcohol consumption.[citation needed]

A study reported that it may be potentially useful in the treatment of Giardia infection.[1] Another study found that it had activity against Trichomonas vaginalis which was resistant to the most common treatment, Metronidazole.’

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Disulfiram

‘Self-doubt, depression, drugs, and alcohol’

 

 

  

       Marilyn Monroe

 

‘In 1955, she [Marilyn Monroe] founded her own company with Milton Greene, Marilyn Monroe Productions, and signed a new contract with Twentieth Century-Fox. She made the 1956 movie Bus Stop which wowed the critics, but she'd begun to lose herself to self-doubt, depression, drugs, and alcohol.

 

Marilyn Monroe, whose mother and maternal grandparents had all struggled with mental illness and institutionalization, began taking sleeping pills for her insomnia. She regularly consulted psychiatrists. She drank heavily, and began a habit of arriving late to work, and sometimes not being able to work at all.

 

She married Arthur Miller, the playwright, shortly after Bus Stop was released, and for the marriage converted to Judaism. She lived quietly for two years with her new husband. During that time, Miller was fighting his conviction for contempt-of-Congress for refusing to answer two questions before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC). The marriage, and several miscarriages, added to her self-doubt and depression, and to her use of drugs and alcohol.’

http://womenshistory.about.com/od/marilynmonroe/a/marilyn_monroe.htm' 

 

 

Marilyn Monroe and 'Jack' Kennedy

 

Monroe's health deteriorated during this period, and she began to see a Los Angeles psychiatrist, Dr. Ralph Greenson. He later recalled that during this time she frequently complained of insomnia, and told Greenson that she visited several medical doctors to obtain what Greenson considered an excessive variety of drugs. He concluded that she was progressing to the point of addiction, but also noted that she could give up the drugs for extended periods, without suffering any withdrawal symptoms.[96] According to Greenson, the marriage between Miller and Monroe was strained; he said that Miller appeared to genuinely care for Monroe and was willing to help her, but that Monroe rebuffed while also expressing resentment towards him for not doing more to help her.[97] Greenson stated that his main objective at the time was to enforce a drastic reduction in Monroe's drug intake.[98]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marilyn_Monroe

 

                                            

 

 

Glamorous, gorgeous, flatulent - the secret history of Marilyn Monroe

 

 

 

 

By Emily Dugan

Tuesday, 10 July 2007

She may have been the very epitome of Hollywood glamour, but Marilyn Monroe was flatulent, ate in bed and rarely washed, according to a new book............

.............The 1961 film, which had been written by the playwright Miller as a Valentine's present especially for his wife Monroe, has always been surrounded by gossip. It tells the story of a despairing divorcee who falls in love with a cowboy. It turned out to be more of an accurate assessment of the rocky state of her relationship with Miller than a romantic gesture. The couple divorced a few months later, and Miller ended up marrying the film's photographer, Inge Morath.

 

The Misfits was the last film that either Monroe or Gable worked on before they died. Gable was the first to go, dying from a heart attack two weeks after shooting finished. Monroe's suicide followed a year later. The film's third lead, Montgomery Clift, died from years of drug and alcohol abuse four years later.

 

During a stressful shoot, the director John Huston took to keeping late nights, gambling and sleeping on set.

 

Miller and Monroe's marriage broke down during filming, and Monroe was increasingly turning to prescription drugs and alcohol. Filming in the scorching Nevada desert had to be stopped in August 1960 so she could be sent to hospital for detox. It was this instability, combined with the steamy scenes on set that led people to believe an affair might have taken place. Miller's last play, Finishing The Picture, which tells the story of a drug-addled actress almost preventing a film going ahead, is widely believed to be a thinly veiled memoir of filming The Misfits.

 

 

Marilyn Monroe on the set of 'The Misfits', her last film

 

‘I have taken more out of alcohol than alcohol has taken out of me.’ Winston Churchill

 

 

 

 

A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds,
adored by little statesmen and philosophers and divines. 
With consistency a great soul has simply nothing to do . . .
Ralph Waldo Emerson  (
1803 – 1882).

Asante sana to the other Mzee, as always, and eternally.

 

I relished your choice of quote from Ralph Waldo Emerson, which I have circulated fairly widely, and to which I expect varying responses. If you will permit me, in advance I wrote this general reply:

 

 

‘Well, I would interpret this as saying that great art, drama, films, literature, indeed, any peak of creative human endeavour, including political leadership, is by its nature inherently inconsistent, i.e. it rises above petit bourgeois consistency. Rigorous consistency for those who preach it is a defence for ignoramuses against the unknown, exotic and strange; especially in the sexual realm, such as the stigma against miscegenation. By all means practice consistency in what you say and do, but recognize its confines for the human spirit; and that it is only an arbitrary, mechanical means of fending off uncertainties in the past, present and future, in other words, life itself. Rigorous consistency implies certainty and absolutes, when in reality, there are none – except perhaps, love, and even this cannot be depended on not to turn turtle.’

 

 

But there are workable solutions.

 

(Tembo: This relation of Churchill’s love of fine wines and other alcoholic beverages is intended as a light-hearted reference, to set the above in its historical context. Many people in a position of  power during the 1940s and 1950s thought and expressed themselves publicly very differently about alcohol consumption, than they would now be allowed to by 'political correctness'; they were not petit bourgeois. Drunks, however, were never socially acceptable – you held your drink, and words and deeds in check.  Mea Culpa, and so many apologies.)

 

'Next to these political and literary achievements, his [Winston Churchill’s] contemporaries and the generations thereafter are still fascinated and entranced by his sheer joie de vivre. He sported the lifestyle of a true sybarite. Martin Gilbert’s 8-volume life -- in and of itself one of the great achievements of political biography of the 20the century -- devotes pages on end to Churchill’s rambling late-night sessions. Churchill must have downed more champagne, port and brandy in his long life span than all these great leaders taken together (Stalin was not bad downing his vodkas either). Only Hitler and Stalin kept his associates up into the wee hours of the morning as mercilessly as did Churchill, holding forth on their strategic views. Yet Churchill’s intellect was more profound. They all kept their associates waiting the next day until noon to make important decisions (Hitler fitfully slept through the early hours of the D-Day invasion).'

Lecture to the Churchill Society of New Orleans, Windsor Court Hotel, November 30, 2006, Winston S. Churchill and the Cold War, 1945-1955:In Search of Summitry and Détente with the Kremlin

Günter Bischof, University of New Orleans

http://www.centeraustria.org/in-the-press/2006/12/4/winston-s-churchill-and-the-cold-war-1945-1955-in-search-of-summitry-and-dtente-with-the-kremlin.html

 

        

 

"ALCOHOL ABUSER" by MICHAEL RICHARDS

 

Any discussion of this subject absent John H. Mather MD, who has spent a decade researching Churchill's medical history, will be only that - a discussion. But here is a summary of what we know and why we know it.

 

Most historians reject the commonly held belief that Churchill was an abuser of alcohol. Perhaps "abuser" is a too broad a word. Professor Warren Kimball of Rutgers, editor of the WSC-FDR correspondence and several erudite books on the two leaders, maintains that Churchill was not an alcoholic -"no alcoholic could drink that much!"- but "alcohol dependent," citing his occasional glass of hock with his breakfast(!) and his heavy imbibing at mealtimes. A doctor attending him after he was knocked down by a car New York in 1931, Otto C. Pickhardt, actually issued a medical note that Churchill's convalescence "necessitates the use of alcoholic spirits especially at mealtimes," specifying 250 cc per day as the minimum (FH 101:51). Still, if he were truly dependent, it seems he would have had a hard time winning his 1936 bet with Rothermere that he could abstain from hard spirits for a year (FH 108:24) - which apparently he did.

 

The story of what his daughter calls the "Papa Cocktail" (a smidgen of Johnnie Walker covering the bottom of a tumbler, which was then filled with water and sipped throughout the morning), is confirmed by so many observers that it could hardly be untrue. WSC's observation that he learned this habit as a young man in India and South Africa (in My Early Life) appears to be literally true: the water being unfit to drink, one had to add whisky and, "by dint of careful application I learned to like it." The concoction he grew to like was, Jock Colville said, more akin to mouthwash than a highball. It barely qualifies as "scotch and water."

 

Where he did put away copious amounts of alcohol was at meals (see for example A.L. Rowse's description of his lunchtime visit to Chartwell, FH 81:9). Perhaps this was Churchill's secret to sobriety and health. (Dr. Mather, speaking in Boston recently, reported that WSC's blood pressure was 140/80 well into his eighties, asking his rather younger audience if they would mind numbers like those.) Churchill did not nurse a bottle, as an alcoholic would, and occasionally remarked to those who took whisky neat, "you are not likely to live a long life if you drink it like that," or words to that effect. Drinking at meals may be less deleterious than drinking at random, but in any case no colleague who can be taken seriously ever reports seeing Churchill the worse for drink. Thus WSC's famous quip, "I have taken more out of alcohol than alcohol has taken out of me."

 

Judging the degree of his "dependence" is obfuscated by his own contradictory remarks. On the one hand he amused himself by allowing people to think he had a bottomless capacity. (There was his famous declaration to the King of Saudi Arabia that his absolute rule of life required drinking before, during and after meals.) At the same time in his writings you catch indications that he knew his limit: the drinking stories with the Russians were exaggerated, he wrote in The Second World War ("I was properly brought up"). Elsewhere he remarked, "my father taught me to have the utmost contempt for people who get drunk." He remarked that a glass of Champagne lifts the spirits, sharpens the wits, but "a bottle produces the opposite effect." When encountered by Bessie Braddock MP with the famous "you're drunk" remark in 1946, his bodyguard, Ron Golding, was with him at the time, insisted that Churchill was not drunk, just tired and wobbly - hence his famous, devastating response. It would appear that his affinity to the bottle was at least partly a prop - like his cigars, which were often allowed to go out, rarely smoked beyond a third, and usually discarded after being well-chewed. Nevertheless he had a formidable capacity.’

 

 

WINSTON S. CHURCHILL Volume VIII: ''Never Despair,'' 1945-1965. By Martin Gilbert. Illustrated. 1,438 pp. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. $40. CHURCHILL A Photographic Portrait. By Martin Gilbert. Illustrated. 374 pp. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. $24.95.

 

''The day may dawn when fair play, love for one's fellow men, respect for justice and freedom, will enable tormented generations to march forth serene and triumphant from the hideous epoch in which we have to dwell. Meanwhile, never flinch, never weary, never despair.''

 

From this quintessentially Churchillian rhetoric, addressed to the House of Commons by 80-year-old Winston S. Churchill five weeks before the resignation of his second prime ministry on April 5, 1955, comes the apt title of the eighth and final volume of the longest biography (9.2 million words) in the English language. As massive as the earlier volumes, this one has, like each of the others, a ''companion volume'' - though the companion this time is of the work as a whole, being a pictorial record of all of Churchill's life, whereas each of the others is a compilation, in two or three parts, of documents specifically relevant to the volume they accompany............

 

.............''Never Despair'' opens on the morning of May 9, 1945, the morrow of V-E Day, with the 70-year-old Churchill sleeping late in his bed at 10 Downing Street in London. It ends with the senile 90-year-old Churchill's death in late January 1965. The story the book has to tell, then, is a sad one over all - a story of decline and decay, of growing weakness and shrinking power, for Great Britain and for Churchill personally. Politically, there was defeat and retreat on virtually every front where Churchill had waged and continued to wage, to the extent he was still capable, the major battles of his public life. He, the very personification of the British Empire, who ''had not become His Majesty's first minister in order to preside over the dissolution of'' that Empire, was forced to watch and participate in precisely that grievous process. And as he did so, his great hope for the transformation of colonies into dominions, of Empire into Commonwealth, was drowned in a rising tide of third-world nationalism.

 

From India, from Egypt, from almost every far-flung British outpost, there was forced retreat. Mistaken British policy toward mandated Palestine, a policy Churchill opposed (he had been a Zionist since the 1917 signing of the Balfour Declaration), helped assure a bloody birth for the state of Israel and decades of Arab-Israeli strife; it also rendered virtually null and void Britain's influence in the Middle East. Suez, with its canal, was lost. Britain's governing capacity shrank to little more than the dimensions of the British Isles, and was even there reduced by the Irish Republic and by the rebellion against British rule in Northern Ireland.

 

Churchill strove to salvage all that it was possible to salvage of his country's national prestige and world influence through a calculated diminution of national sovereignty, a pooling of it in international organization. The top priority of his policy was the closest possible working alliance among the Western European democracies - a process he would facilitate by close creative partnership between Britain and the United States.

 

Within seven months after his 1946 ''Iron Curtain'' speech in Fulton, Mo. (the phrase originated, we learn in this volume, in a radio broadcast by the German Foreign Minister on May 2, 1945), he urged in Zurich the creation of ''a kind of United States of Europe,'' citing as a necessary ''first step . . . a partnership between France and Germany.'' His hope and belief were that Britain would then become ''the vital link,'' a decisive fulcrum of the balance of power, among the British Commonwealth, the European Union and the United States. Thereafter, for as long as he was able, he pursued the goal of a United Europe unceasingly, doing so with increased fervency after the atomic bomb ceased to be an American monopoly. Simultaneously he struggled for a rapprochement with Russia. Throughout his second prime ministry, his great object was a summit conference of Britain, the United States and Russia whence would issue the cold war's end and the scrapping of nuclear arms. It was the hope and prospect of this that caused him to hang onto governing power well beyond the time when it should have been handed over to his successor, Anthony Eden.

 

But the hope was frustrated, as we know, and the prospect grew dark. Churchill had some determining influence on United States foreign policy during the Truman Administration. At the press conference where the Marshall Plan was introduced, in June 1947, Gen. George C. Marshall said he was persuaded by Churchill's Zurich speech that the war-ravaged European states, with American financial aid, could work out their own economic salvation - and significant progress was then made toward European economic unity. But during Churchill's second prime ministry, simultaneous with the Eisenhower Administration, all his efforts toward an agreement with Russia foundered on Secretary of State Dulles's moralistic rigidities (how Churchill loathed ''that slab-faced bastard,'' John Foster Dulles!) and Eisenhower's appalling ineptitudes. The Americans stubbornly persisted in their view that atheistic Communism was a world-threatening evil with which negotiations were impossible.

 

Meanwhile, Churchill and his personal physician, Lord Moran, whose published diaries are here much quoted, faced the relentlessly advancing health problems of old age. Churchill suffered a mild stroke in 1953. Others followed. He grew deaf; he suffered memory lapses. And to his health problems were added worries over the health of his beloved wife, Clementine, who sometimes collapsed in nervous exhaustion and had to be hospitalized. (The great importance of Clementine to her husband's career is one of this biography's valuable revelations.) Yet the Winston Churchill who emerges from the morass of fact and extended quotation in this volume is very far from being, save during the very last few years, a pitiful figure or even a somber one. He radiates a vitalizing energy, the zest and gaiety of an inexhaustible joie de vivre. He is exciting to be with; his astonishing flow of wit amid eloquence is undiminished until he is well into his 80's. He has amazing resilience, awesome energy: he accomplishes far more between his 70th and 80th years than most successful men do in a lifetime. He loves and is loved greatly. Often he exasperates, sometimes he deeply hurts family and friends (he has bitter quarrels with Randolph and his actress daughter Sarah, is estranged from them for extended periods), yet is utterly devoted to them, as they are to him. He does indeed never despair.

 

Which is not to say he was never depressed. All his life he had suffered recurrent fits of deep depression (Black Dog, he called it) and these continued to occur. Months were required for recovery from the traumatic shock of 1945's general election, in which he was overwhelmingly voted out of office while negotiating with Stalin and Truman at Potsdam. During this dark period he was intensely irritable and irascible, quarreling even with Clementine. But he bounced back. Solaced by an abundance of whisky, champagne and cigars, he always bounced back, restoring and recreating himself through intensely active immersion in one or another of his varied interests - improving his country place Chartwell, oil painting (in his first extended holiday after the war he produced 15 large canvases in 25 days), horse racing and writing. Especially writing.

 

It was the writing of his six-volume ''Second World War'' that absorbed him following the 1945 election defeat - and the story of this project is here told in exhaustive anecdotal detail. (Some of it is amusing. For instance, an error in the first British printing of ''The Gathering Storm'' described the French Army as ''the poop of the French nation,'' a statement ''too near the truth'' to be let go.) It was the revision and readying for publication of his four-volume ''History of the English-Speaking Peoples'' (he was working on the final chapter on the night Hitler invaded Poland) that buoyed him following the trauma of his retirement at the age of 80.

 

 

In his writing as in his painting, Churchill, the great romantic of our materialistic age, employed broad strokes and vivid colors, as we all know - and he was as florid in private talk as in public speech. Queen Elizabeth II tells in this book of sailing up the Thames with him on the royal yacht: ''One saw this dirty commercial river . . . and he was describing it as the silver thread which runs through the history of Britain.'' A weapons expert tells of showing Churchill and Clementine, in 1952, a film of a guided missile shooting down an airplane, and of Churchill turning to his wife to say excitedly: ''Do you understand, my dear? This contraption . . . seeks out the enemy . . . and devoid of human aid encompasses his destruction!'' But what most astonishes is the extent to which he was able to impose his romantic vision on those who read or heard him - how, employing the language of Gibbon and Macaulay (and, to a lesser degree, Carlyle), with embellishments of his own, he managed in the direst of circumstances to restore meaning to such words as honor and glory and majesty while conceptually restoring the individual person once again to his place at the center of the universe, the ruler rather than the slave of the forces loosed by scientific technology.

 

 

Of the latter and their human and social consequences he was far more sharply aware than were most of the political leaders of his time. He strove to keep abreast of scientific advance through his close working association and friendship with the scientist Frederick Lindemann (Lord Cherwell). And though he reacted vehemently against socialism as a way of humanizing technology, of harnessing it to human purposes (socialism was always and inevitably totalitarian, in his view), he was also, as a romantic conservative who valued individual freedom above all else, greatly worried about the effect technology was having, and would have, on the individual. Television was for him especially alarming. ''Being an old and old-fashioned animal,'' he wrote to a friend a few weeks after his retirement, ''I am no enthusiast for the TV age, in which I fear mass thought and action will be taken too much in charge of by machinery, both destructive and distracting.''

 

Of the companion volume, ''Churchill: A Photographic Portrait,'' one need say only that it is an interesting and valuable companion. Most of the more than 400 photographs Mr. Gilbert presents are new to this reader; they show Winston Churchill in every phase and mood of his long life, and they are accompanied by a commentary that is highly informative. The prose, here as elsewhere, would not, I think, have pleased its subject. ''While in Algiers,'' writes Mr. Gilbert, typically, ''Churchill finalised the plans for the invasion of Sicily and Italy.'' One can hear Churchill fuming that he had done no such thing, ''finalise'' being a bastard word he loathed only somewhat less than he did John Foster Dulles.

 

Churchill was indeed a noble spirit, sustained in his long life by a faith in the capacity of man to live in peace, to seek prosperity, and to ward off threats and dangers by his own exertions. His love of country, his sense of fair play, his hopes for the human race, were matched by formidable powers of work and thought, vision and foresight. His path had often been dogged by controversy, disappointment and abuse, but these had never deflected him from his sense of duty and his faith in the British people. . . . In the last years, when power passed, to be followed by extreme old age with all its infirmity and sadness, Churchill's children expressed to him in private the feelings which many of his fellow countrymen also felt. . . . From his daughter Mary had come words of . . . solace . . . when at last his life's great impulses were fading. ''In addition to all the feelings a daughter has for a loving, generous father,'' she wrote, ''I owe you what every Englishman, woman & child does - Liberty itself.'' From ''Winston S. Churchill.'

http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=940DE4D91338F930A15753C1A96E948260&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=all

 

Anecdotal dialogue

 

Though some of these have been reported in many accounts of Churchill no definitive source has yet been provided for these anecdotes.

 

Lady Nancy Astor: Winston, if I were your wife, I'd poison your tea.

Churchill: Nancy, if I were your husband, I'd drink it.

 

Variant: Nancy Astor: If I were your wife, Winston, I'd poison your coffee.

Churchill: And if you were my wife, I'd drink it.

 

 

Bessie Braddock: Sir, you are drunk.

Churchill: And you, madam, are ugly. But in the morning, I shall be sober.

 

Variant: Winston Churchill: Madam, you are ugly

Elizabeth Braddock: Sir, you are drunk

Winston Churchill: Yes, but in the morning, I shall be sober.

 

 

Variant: Elizabeth Braddock: Mr. Churchill, you are drunk.

Churchill: And you madam, are ugly. As for my condition, it will pass by the morning. You, however, will still be ugly.

 

 

Variant: Elizabeth Braddock: Mr. Churchill, this is a disgrace. You are quite drunk.

Churchill: This may be well and true, but in the morning I will be sober and you will still be ugly.

 

 

Young man (after seeing Churchill leave the bathroom without washing his hands): At Eton they taught us to wash our hands after using the toilet.

Churchill: At Harrow they taught us not to piss on our hands.

 

 

Churchill: Madam, would you sleep with me for five million pounds?

Socialite: My goodness, Mr. Churchill... Well, I suppose... we would have to discuss terms, of course...

Churchill: Would you sleep with me for five pounds?

Socialite: Mr. Churchill, what kind of woman do you think I am?!

Churchill: Madam, we've already established that. Now we are haggling about the price.

(This is a very old joke where the participants vary dramatically from each telling. It's very unlikely though not impossible that the joke originated from Churchill.)

 

 

Unknown MP sitting behind Churchill on the back benches during his twilight years, to adjacent colleague, sotto voce: He's not what he used to be. They say he's gone senile.

Churchill, turning around to face them: And they say he has gone deaf as well!

 

Upon being told of the Lord Privy Seal's arrival at Chequers "Tell the privy seal, I am sealed to the privy, and can only deal with one shit at a time"

 

 

In the Urinals of the House of Commons, upon the entry of Clement Atlee, Churchill moves to the far end of the room,

Atlee: My dear Winston, I hope that despite being adversaries in the house, we could be Friends outside of it.

Churchill: Ah Clement, I have no quarrel with you, but in my experience, when you see somthing big, you tend to want to nationalize it!

 

Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin at Yalta, February 4-11, 1945

 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yalta_Conference 

 

Character and Leadership

 

(Note: This old chestnut was dropped through our letterbox so we are not sure if it is true or not, but it makes for an interesting argument.)

Q1: If you knew a woman who was pregnant, who had 8 kids already, three who were deaf, two who were blind, one mentally retarded, and she had syphilis; would you recommend that she have an abortion?

Read the next question before scrolling down to the answer of this one.

 Q2: It is time to elect the world leader, and your vote counts. Here are the facts about the three leading candidates:

 

Candidate A. Associates with crooked politicians, and consults with astrologists. He's had two mistresses. He also chain smokes and drinks quite a few martinis a day.

Candidate B. He was kicked out of office twice, sleeps until noon, used opium in college and drinks a great deal of whisky every evening.

Candidate C. He is a decorated war hero. He's a vegetarian, doesn't smoke, drinks an occasional beer and hasn't had any extramarital affairs.

Which of these candidates would be your choice? Decide first.

Then, go to Site Map for the answer.

 

 

Esteemed Bahraini reader’s comment:  Heart of the matter stuff, congratulations. But what’s so new about all this? British military intelligence with the help of Ian Henderson were trying to turn everyone, from forest Mau Mau to detained leader, at this time – it was far less embarrassing than having to kill them.

 

 

Tembo: There are lessons all around, and perhaps no more so than in US presidential election on November 4; there is no dimunition of personal honour, nobility or integrity in acknowledging a better man or nation; there is only the exhaltation of striving to match their achievements, the next time around, and the next, for that is the essence of humility. And likewise, we had a duty of care; I believe for Churchill, for Africans, that was foremost.  

 

 

 

An excerpt from
Philosophy in a Time of Terror
Dialogue with Jürgen Habermas
by Giovanna Borradori

 FUNDAMENTALISM AND TERROR
A Dialogue with Jürgen Habermas

 On 9/11 in the US: ‘On the other hand, only there did I first feel the full magnitude of the event. The terror of this disaster, which literally came bursting out of the blue, the horrible convictions behind this treacherous assault, as well as the stifling depression that set over the city, were a completely different experience there than at home..................

 ..............Also among the left there is a widespread awareness of living at a turning point in history..................

 ..............If the September 11 terror attack is supposed to constitute a caesura in world history, as many think, then it must be able to stand comparison to other events of world historical impact. For that matter, the comparison is not to be drawn with Pearl Harbor but rather with the aftermath of August 1914. The outbreak of World War I signaled the end of a peaceful and, in retrospect, somewhat unsuspecting era, unleashing an age of warfare, totalitarian oppression, mechanistic barbarism and bureaucratic mass murder. At the time, there was something like a widespread foreboding...........................

 ..............At all events, a hopeful signal was the Afghanistan conference in Bonn, which, under the auspices of the UN, set the agenda in the right direction.3 However, after September 11 the European governments have completely failed. They are obviously incapable of seeing beyond their own national scope of interests and lending at least their support to the U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell against the hard-liners. The Bush administration seems to be continuing, more or less undisturbed, the self-centered course of a callous superpower. It is fighting now as it has in the past against the appointment of an international criminal court, relying instead on military tribunals of its own. These constitute, from the viewpoint of international law, a dubious innovation.............................

..............Even if Europe does not rouse itself to play the civilizing role, as it should, the emerging power of China and the waning power of Russia do not fit into the pax Americana model so simply..................

 ..............The misery in war-torn Afghanistan is reminiscent of images from the Thirty Years' War...............

 ..............However, the asymmetry between the concentrated destructive power of the electronically controlled clusters of elegant and versatile missiles in the air and the archaic ferocity of the swarms of bearded warriors outfitted with Kalashnikovs on the ground remains a morally obscene sight.....................

 ............The terrorism we associate for the time being with the name "al-Qaeda" makes the identification of the opponent and any realistic assessment of the danger impossible. This intangibility is what lends terrorism a new quality...............................This brings a threatened nation, which can react to such uncertain dangers solely through administrative channels, to the truly embarrassing situation of perhaps overreacting and, yet, because of the inadequate level of secret intelligence, remaining unable to know whether or not it is in fact overreacting. Because of this, the state is in danger of falling into disrepute due to the evidence of its inadequate resources: both domestically, through a militarizing of the security measures, which endanger the constitutional state, and internationally, through the mobilization of a simultaneously disproportionate and ineffective military and technological superiority...................

Borradori: Do you think it was good to interpret this act as a declaration of war?

Habermas: Even if the term "war" is less misleading and, morally, less controvertible than "crusade," I consider Bush' s decision to call for a "war against terrorism" a serious mistake, both normatively and pragmatically. Normatively, he is elevating these criminals to the status of war enemies; and pragmatically, one cannot lead a war against a "network" if the term "war" is to retain any definite meaning.

http://www.press.uchicago.edu/Misc/Chicago/066649.html

Jürgen Habermas, born in 1929, is one of Germany's foremost intellectual figures. A philosopher and sociologist, he is professor emeritus at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University in Frankfurt and the leading representative of the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory. His works include "Legitimation Crisis", "Knowledge and Human Interests", "Theory of Communicative Action" and "The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity."
Translation: Myron Gubitz.

23/03/2007

Signandsight.com: http://www.signandsight.com/features/1265.html

 


                                     

                                      Tom Mboya, assassinated, July 5, 1969

Killer arrested, said: 'Why don't you go after 'The Big Man'?

 

Killer hanged.

 

 

'He retained the portfolio as Minister for Economic Planning and Development until his death at age 38 when he was gunned down on July 5, 1969 by Nahashon Isaac Njenga Njoroge, who was convicted for the murder and later hanged. After his arrest, Njoroge asked: "Why don't you go after the big man?.[3] Who he meant by "the big man" was never divulged, which has led to much speculation since Mboya was seen as a possible contender

 

 for the presidency.' http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tom_Mboya

 

A close friend’s grief at humanity’s loss

 

'Though working for different foreign interests, which sometimes clashed, [Bruce] Mackenzie and Tom Mboya, Kenyatta's pro-American Cabinet minister, were intimate friends. They remained close even after Mboya and the Kiambu power clique parted ways in the wake of Odinga's removal from the vice-presidency–when Mboya was deemed to have served his purpose. 

Mboya was a frequent visitor to Mackenzie's Langata home, where the two would chat for hours on the verandah, one sipping wine and the other brandy. The visits became longer and more frequent in the weeks before Mboya's assassination in 1969.

In a 1992 interview after his retirement from the police force, Mackenzie's bodyguard, Peter Karanja, remembered Mboya's last visit to Mackenzie's home. Mackenzie had brought from a visit to England two grey sports jackets.

When Mboya popped in, each of them wore his. Karanja remembers: "Mboya looked worried. You could tell that something was wrong somewhere. The two talked until very late into the night."

Mackenzie was lounging in the veranda of his home on July 5, 1969, when the radio announced that Mboya had been shot dead. "Oh no! They can't have killed Tom," Karanja recalls him exclaiming, as he shuffled into the living room and came out with the radio, his face a mask of sorrow.' See Bruce McKenzie, Tembo7

From: 'Mackenzie was tough but good for Kenya', by Kamau Ngotho: 'The spy in the Cabinet': Daily Nation, 30/3/2000. Monday, April 3, 2000.

                            

''The day may dawn when fair play, love for one's fellow men, respect for justice and freedom, will enable tormented generations to march forth serene and triumphant from the hideous epoch in which we have to dwell. Meanwhile, never flinch, never weary, never despair.''

 

 

Quintessentially Churchillian rhetoric, addressed to the House of Commons by the 80-year-old Winston S. Churchill five weeks before the resignation of his second prime ministry on April 5, 1955.    

 

 

 

   

  FLASH

THIS IS IT, THIS IS THE ONE:

....As Elspeth Huxley said earlier in the same chapter,

 

'Sometime during his imprisonment.......Kenyatta underwent a change almost Pauline in its nature.......Lokitaung was the chrysalis in which the demagogue pupated into a statesman.'

 

Twenty-five years later Wouse was to write:

 

'Elspeth Huxely's book' [Out in the Midday Sun - My Kenya]'reference to me was generous but a bit far-fetched.........I confess I pondered long on the pregnant sentence "Lokitaung was a chrysalis in which the demagogue pupated into a statesman." I can suscribe to that. I have my own views on how this came about. They are not for telling just now - when a major participant in one important incident is at present enjoying royal favour. An item for my memoirs.' Whitehouse to Oliver Knowles, 31 January, 1986.

 

                                                                                        

 

General Sir Frank Edward Kitson GBE, KCB, MC and Bar, DL (born 1926) is a retired British Army officer and writer on military subjects, notably low intensity operations. He rose to be Commander-in-Chief UK Land Forces from 1982 to 1985 and was Aide-de-Camp General to the Queen from 1983 to 1985.

 

                                                                                  

 

 

 

NEW! James Wilde, Foreign and War Correspondent Non-Pareil

Reporting for TIME Magazine from Nairobi

 

See Tembo10

 

 

 

 

 

 

'Wouse'

 

          

 

Kenyatta's

 

 

              

 

British 

 

 

 

 

 interlocutor

 

 

 

 

(Photos: Top: Leslie Whitehouse ('Wouse'); Centre: Jomo Kenyatta; Bottom: Sir Evelyn Baring, Governor, Kenya, 1952-1959)

 

Note: Main Entry: in·ter·loc·u·tor Pronunciation: \ˌin-tər-ˈlä-kyə-tər\ Function: noun Etymology: Latin interloqui to speak between, issue an interlocutory decree, from inter- + loqui to speak Date: 1514 1 : one who takes part in dialogue or conversation, Merriam-Webster dictionary

 

Jim: I would not discount the word of a British army officer as related by South Africa's foremost journalist. I don't know exactly what more Kitson told R W Johnson, but I have sent him an email asking whether there was anything else apart from his brief quote in his review of Anderson and Elkins [No reply so far].’See below: Drinking with the Devil.

 

Dear Jim,

I've just skimmed Kitson's _Gangs and Counter-Gangs_. He didn't get out to Kenya until August 1953. Kenyatta had been sentenced in April. Kitson makes absolutely NO mention of going north at any time--although he had 'An Interlude' in Narok. So I think he cited 'common knowledge' to RWJ--but

how far that 'knowledge' was correct I do not know. Besides, would the prisons dept budget run to a bottle per day for a prisoner (not perhaps a good argument since we know Judge Thacker was paid £20k from a government slush fund). I would like to see some official correspondence before

saying 'yea' or 'nay'. John

 

 

Jim: What really transpired at Lokitaung? Was Captain or Major Kitson really 'looking after' Jomo for a while?  Why would the British army or whoever send such a brilliant military intelligence mind at that time on the fast-track up to such a lonely and out-of-the-way place for even just a couple of months? At which point in Jomo's incarceration was this, at the time of his being ostracized and bullied by the other inmates?

 

You see, it has been my contention against that of Professor John Lonsdale, who maintains that Mzee came out much as he went in, that six years of intellectual destitution in solitary really does something to a man, either he breaks, or his spirit triumphs in the end, vide. Solhenitsyn.

 

Did Jomo break? When he was drinking, or the bottle was withheld from him? You see, you can read an awful lot into that pithy reference by R W  Johnson; it surprises me that he himself did not dig deeper, it is such a cracking good story, you could hardly expect South Africa's foremost journalist to sit on it. Perhaps R W did not see it as within his remit, being too far north. Or maybe he could not stand it up, but the aside from Kitson, unusual from such a careful man, had been burning a hole in his [Johnson’s] pocket for so long that he had to drop it in somewhere, if only in a review of the two most seminal books in recent years on Mau Mau.

 

And if Jomo was turned, who assisted this process, and what did that mean for Kenya? If Jomo was to come out fighting in the end, there would have been no indulgence towards the white settlers, for a start, and by extension, British interests.

 

The question has tremendous bearing in the first place for Jomo's sycophantic biographers, particularly with regard to his post-Independence aggrandisement of power and land, but colossal implications for the interpretation of Kenya's recent history and decolonisation, and for the country's future.

 

These are highly legitimate questions, and in history, deserve answers. As you say, now is the time to come clean, and failing Kitson himself, the answers lie on the ground in Kenya. There's not much hope from the official colonial record, very thin and patchy, and heavily weeded into the bargain.

 

With every assurance of my best intentions,

Haraka haraka haina Baraka,

Tembo Jim.

 

Dear Jim,

I think Kitson's memory deceived him. A mere captain, he was never in charge of JK's detention, and never in Lokitaung. Try and get hold of Elizabeth Watkins, _Jomo's Jailor_ (Britwell Books, Watlington, 1996)--a life of Leslie Whitehouse or 'Wouse'. ...........but I think nearer the truth than Kitson. I'll look at the land issue later. John

 

 

 

‘'One story widely believed by the general public and at least some government officers at the time Mzee was serving his sentence at Lokitaung in the Turkana district I can refute categorically. It is common knowledge that prior to his arrest Mzee was a true gentleman in that he could see any man under the table where the consumption of alcohol was concerned.......

 

 

Lake Turkana


'In prison at Lokitaung Mzee and his fellow convicts were obliged to submit from the start to prison regulations. No exceptions of any kind were made. He submitted to the regulations as a common convict. He never grumbled and never asked for the special diet. I do not have to confirm that prison regulations forbid access to alcohol or drugs and access to food provided from outside. But despite this common knowledge the story got around that Mzee was being provided with a bottle of brandy a day. I was personally acquainted about this by a friend at a lunch at the then Chief Native Commissioner's (a friend) who asked me if there was any truth in the story.' PP196,197 Leslie Whitehouse [nickname: ‘Wouse’] papers.’ from Jomo's Jailor, by Elizabeth Watkins.

 

Thirty years after the events described, Wouse took three pages of wavering foolscap to lead up to his rumour, analyzing why it might have been put about, and another three pages to deny  it, explaining that he went up to inspect sufficiently often to be sure that nothing like  this occurred. The hurt must have gone deep, because it smirched the quality of his 'rapport' with the President, turning it into a cupboard love.'

 

Just before Kenyatta was released from Lodwar he paid Wouse the greatest indirect compliment a jailor can ever have been paid. At an interview held in Lodwar he said:

'We have been in a university. We learned more about politics there that we learned outside.' P201. Elspeth Huxley.  

 

Later, when the British government were refusing him a cost of living allowance on his pension, he wrote, 'Had I not accepted the job, I do not know who else they would have found......'Whitehouse papers: miscellaneous, draft letter.

 

                                                         

                                                                                                Turkana  woman

 

......Elspeth Huxley describes the scene:

 

'Most European farmers were frightened, depressed and could see no hope for the future. For four years many of them had lived under siege, locked in at night with their revolvers for fear of gangs bursting in to hack them to pieces; the personal friends of some had died in this gruesome fashion, and many more had seen their cattle hamstrung or poisoned. The price of land had slumped to nothing, and a million acres had already been compulsory bought to be split up into African shambas. Now the arch-enemy whom they believed to be responsible for all this was to be the ruler of their country.

 

A meeting of farmers was called at Nakuru, and the arch-enemy invited to address them.......It was a glum and hostile audience. This is part of what Kenyatta had to say:

 

"I am a politican, but I am a farmer like you...........I think the soil joins us all and therefore we have some kind of mutual understanding. If you want to understand each other, then the best thing is to talk together.........I believe that the most disturbing point among us is suspcion, fear. These are created by not knowing what the other side is thinking. If we must live together, if we must work together, we must talk together, exchange views. This is my belief. And one thing which I want to make clear, is this. It is, that we must learn to forgive one another. There is no perfect society anywhere. Whether we are white, brown, black, we are not angels......' P207, from Elspeth Huxley, Out in the Midday Sun - My Kenya, P202

 

....As Elspeth Huxley said earlier in the same chapter,

 

'Sometime during his imprisonment.......Kenyatta underwent a change almost Pauline in its nature.......Lokitaung was the chrysalis in which the demagogue pupated into a statesman.'

 

Twenty-five years later Wouse was to write:

 

'Elspeth Huxely's book' [Out in the Midday Sun - My Kenya]'reference to me was generous but a bit far-fetched.........I confess I pondered long on the pregnant sentence "Lokitaung was a chrysalis in which the demagogue pupated into a statesman." I can suscribe to that. I have my own views on how this came about. They are not for telling just now - when a major participant in one important incident is at present enjoying royal favour. An item for my memoirs.' Whitehouse to Oliver Knowles, 31 January, 1986.

 

'Before this commission could be convened, he was asked to serve on a third boundary commission, this time the Kenya/Ethiopian border. [Whitehouse papers, Colin Campbell to Whitehouse, 21 February 1963] It was Kenya's new Ministry of Defence who asked him to serve; Jomo Kenyatta who signed the appointment.......'

 

'The British also briefed Wouse. He had a letter telling him what points he must insist on and what he might yield. But not everything was put in writing. It was at this briefing that Wouse understood that he would be more acceptable to the other African governments if he took out Kenyan citizenship.' PP208,209

 

 

‘The one friendly hand extended to him [Kenyatta in prison at Lokitaung] throughout was that of Wouse, who shared his reading,  took time to talk to him, and saw to his health. (De Robeck had also been sympathetic, but he  stayed only eighteen months.) Kenyatta went into prison as a self-seeking and irresponsible  agitator, over fond of the bottle, paunchy, given to rhetoric, a sick man with a short life  expectancy. He came out of prison with his health much improved, a mature, hard-working elder  statesman with a breadth of understanding rare in African politics, and a willingness to work  with the British to achieve peaceful independence. For this Wouse must receive much of the credit.

 

All the minor events of the imprisonment, the attacks on Kenyatta, his illnesses, his special  treatment, have been buried in secrecy. One of the most disagreeable results of being  Kenyatta's jailor was that Wouse found himself the centre of all kinds of rumours and gossip,  and ones which for reasons of secrecy, it was difficult to dispel. Even at the age of eighty -six, Wouse could not write about these events because he was dependent for his livelihood on ex-gratia payments from a grateful Kenya. P195

 

‘Wouse had instructions that he was to visit Lokitaung at least once a  month; and that the care of Kenyatta was now his most important duty. The British did not  want a martyr on their hands, with all the adverse publicity that would bring. Kenyatta was  already around sixty years of age, an old man by African standards, nor had his habits been  those conducive to longevity.

 

'There were of course no radios and no newspapers. Correspondence both ways was strictly  limited. The only writer's name I recall was a Mrs. Cadbury. The letters both ways were  censored. Mzee did have access to a few books. In particular I recall he studied comparative  religion. In the early months of his confinement Mzee was in good heart. His appeal and that of his fellow convicts were still under consideration and I think he and they remained  hopeful to the last.

 

Then came the day when I was told that Mzee's principal advocate Mr Pritt was to visit his clients at Lokitaung. The district office was cleared and he and the others were closeted alone while he told them the fateful news - the Privy Council had refused to allow the case  for appeal. Mzee had reached the end of the road, and were doomed to serve their sentence.

 

It seemed to me that at the time it was the end of the road for Kenyatta. At the same time a senior minister publicly announced the Kenya Government decision......’  Whitehouse papers.

 

‘The hatred between the prisoners was serious. It is set out by the District Office in the same annual report:

 

'While in detention, the younger men had been whiling away the time by putting Kenyatta to the question. The "author and anthropologist", to use his own description of himself in prison records, was apparently not so successful as a whizz kid. His tormentors triumphantly used a dictionary to show that B.A. Cantab. had nothing to do with the Archbishop of  Canterbury. Perhaps the greatest insult of all was to ask for details of how he had come to write Facing Mount Kenya. It is hardly to be wondered that Kenyatta became almost paranoid  and believed that the others were plotting against him.’ From Lokitaung Annual Report 1954.  P184

 

‘This was the first attack on Kenyatta which brought to Wouse's attention that all was not well at Lokitaung. The continuous bullying of Kenyatta resulted in his depression, and it was China, alone among the convicts, who provided him with friendship. New prisoners were always put into solitary confinement for a short period.’ P184.

 

‘The guards could not understand Kikuyu, and although they shouted at him to stop, information was passed successfully, particularly during the daytime when China sang news to Kenyatta and   Kenyatta sang back his questions. For the first time since he had been detained, Kenyatta had a friendly audience, a man who always sided with him. This seems to have increased the  antagonism from the others. So strong was the opposition that even before China was released  from solitary confinement the other prisoners went on hunger strike, 'in protest against what  hey called the filthy habits of Kenyatta who is cook........The strike only lasted two days  and shows the disintegrating effect of confinement and isolation.' Lokitaung Annual Report,  1954.

 

Wouse was more circumspect, and as always frontier problems dominated his report. P185.

 

‘This man was Lt. Col. de Robeck. He had served in Burma during the war where he had met China, and now became friendly with both China and Kenyatta, on occasion driving them to his  house to borrow books. His sympathy may have arisen partly from his recognition of Kenyatta's  poor health. In his handing-over report to Tennent in 1955 de Robeck revealed that Kenyatta's  heart rate was so high that he was expected 'to snuff it' at any moment, and that he was not  supposed to put his head down to his feet. Should the expected occur, a ready-written  telegram lay in his desk drawer, to secure an immedate visit of a high-powered doctor and an  unprejudiced post-mortem.’  Turkana Annual Report.1955.

 

Kenyatta had indeed been seriously ill. In addition to the heart complaint he developed  eczema, a usual enough complaint in Turkana, but his condition was greatly exacerbated by  the Asian doctor who gave him an innoculation against smallpox. He became so ill that doctors had to be flown from Nairobi. Others became concerned, and many important visitors, including the Governor, Sir Evelyn Baring, flew into Lokitaung to see the prisoners.

 

Turkana had been unaffected by Mau Mau, except for the prisons and the number of visitors who now arrived. Normally distances were too long and the roads too rough to attract senior officers on tour, and even the Provincial Commissior visited only once a year. Then suddenly in 1954 visitors started to arrive. Wouse listed them: they included the Provincial Commissioner, the Commissioner of Prisons, the Director of Medical Service, the Secretary for  Welfare and Development, the Provincial Medical Officer, and the Prison Medical Adviser.

This influx was to continue year after year, each lot of visitors bidding the administrators  goodbye with the words, 'I don't expect you see many visitors up here.' Lokitaung Annual  Report, 1954. P186.

 

In far away Nairobi events were occurring which affected the prisoners. By 1958 the number of Africans in the Legislative Council had increased, when one of them, Oginga Odinga, referred  to Kenyatta as a leader, he was shouted down by blacks as well as whites. Some months later a Kenyan intelligence report said that Odinga was considerably shaken to receive a letter from  Ngei and the other Lokitaung convicts denouncing Kenyatta as being on the side of the  government. Kenya Intelligence Committe Monthly Appreciation, P.R.O. CO1848 of December 1958.

 

‘The change of district officers was always frequent in Lokitaung. By now, Ryland had taken over from Luke, and in 1958 he did not have a good year:

'The Prison continued to be administered to a high standard and a disproportionate amount of time was spent hearing complaints from the seven convicts. None the less this did not prevent the dispatch and publication in the Observer and other newspapers of a scurrilous and untrue letter detailing the alleged brutal and discriminatory treatment by the district officer. The letter was allegedly signed by five convicts, Kenyatta and Itote [China] abstaining. The letter was subsequently admitted by the Observer to be a wicked libel and a complete apology printed and substantial damages paid. In spite of the alleged brutalities the prison inmates  continued to maintain excellent health and spirits and relations with the district officer  continued to be cordial to the point of servility.

 

During the last week of July the convict Karioki attacked Jomo Kenyatta in the compound. He was later sentenced to solitary confinement, penal diet, and twelve strokes, and transferred  to Lodwar.'Lokitaung Annual Report, 1957.

 

‘Jomo's Jailor’, by Elizabeth Watkins (for more excepts, go to Document Gallery)

http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&id=MnoG0eTTZQ4C&dq=Jomo's+Jailor&printsec=frontcover&source=web&ots= eZmMLVFS5Z&sig=i7lsDBwDjDPCNm1Cy_7xWjY_PB0#PPA209,M1

 
Turkana wedding
 

 

 

The debate rages

 

 

did the

British

 

 

and their

 

 

cohort

 

 

 

swindle

 

 

 

Kenyans? 

 (Photos: Middle: Sir Evelyn Baring, Governor of Kenya, 1952-1959; Bottom: President Jomo Kenyatta.) 

 

 

The thesis: from the early years of Kenya as a country in the 1900s, the white settlers themselves were not really at fault, it was always the Central Secretariat and Government House in Nairobi – and by extension, the British establishment or deep state behind them – that failed dismally to take account of legitimate African economic demands and political aspirations. As a result, both the colonial administration and settlerdom after the Second World War ossified into a hide-bound carapace (*see definition below) which was cracked by Mau Mau in the early-to-mid 1950s. However, while this let through economic reform, political power – and partially, wealth, and critically, Land – was transferred into the hands of the present corrupt and grasping political African elite, while most of Kenya’s population, currently numbering 40 million, was swindled. The chief agent of this transfer was the country’s first President, Jomo Kenyatta, who protected British economic and geostrategic interests, as did his successors. Kenyatta had been broken and suborned by the British deep state in the 1950s during his imprisonment at Lokitaung.

 

The early settlers took on with almost blind dedication an immense task in taming the land, virgin bush, especially when they arrived in the Rift (let's not be distracted here by any debates about the dispossession or otherwise of the Maasai); and they did so with the fortitude, courage and a sense of duty that are very British traits, and especially so in the upper-class and aristocratic mileu from which much of them came. The others who were of different nationality assimilated these qualities, apart from the Boers laagered in their peculiar, hide-bound mentality up around Eldoret.

 

In many ways the first settlers have been done a disservice by history, however trapped they were in white supremacist notions - which again must be viewed in a historical frame of reference. There were very few proletarians amongst these people; and those that were, also assimilated. However, the British also imported their own class and kinship demarcations; though Kenyan white settler society was much more open and meritocratic than the 'home' country during these first three decades, perforce due to the circumstances of the country, their constant struggle with its harsh conditions, and their tiny minority measured against the Africans. This was particularly so during the grim years of the 1930s, when global recession and rock-bottom commodity prices threatened to undermine all their sterling efforts (early 'globalisation' and an implosion of greed on Wall Street coming home vengefully to roost - crude capital has no memory), but nevertheless there were still these unwritten class and privelege lines in the sand.

 

                 

Lord Delamere at the murder trial of his son and heir, Tom.

A bullet in the heart of Happy Valley

Lord Delamere founded the White Mischief set. Last week his great grandson was in a Kenyan court accused of a sensational killing

Jonathan Clayton, Sunday Times, May 1, 2005

In the old days, colonial Kenya’s biggest social event by far was Race Week. Fast women and slow horses were obligatory over seven days of excessive drinking, drug-taking and — as ever in Kenya — sex. And towering above the settlers, gamblers, and ne’er do wells was Hugh Cholmondeley, the third Baron Delamere.

 

“D”, as he was known, would ride his horse into the bar of the Norfolk hotel and attempt to jump clean over a table without disturbing the crockery. In full evening dress, he particularly liked to shoot all the bottles off the counter but insisted the cost be added to his bill, which he always settled in full. On one occasion, the manager unwisely informed him no more drink would be served. Delamere seized him by the scruff of the neck and locked him up in the meat safe for the night along with several dead sheep.

More than anyone it was the charismatic Delamere who established Kenya’s reputation as a playground for the privileged. Around him grew the decadent elite of the “Happy Valley”, later immortalised in the book White Mischief.

And ironically, it seems it is a Delamere descendant — Thomas Cholmondeley, his great-grandson — who is finally ending the sybaritic idyll that the family started. Last week 37-year-old Cholmondeley appeared in court, charged with the murder of a Kenyan wildlife warden in a case that has caused a sensation and stirred up tensions with the local Masai population.

Samson ole Sisina, 44, was shot dead on the Delamere family’s vast ranch near Lake Naivasha 12 days ago. He was armed and in plain clothes as part of an undercover investigation into the illegal trade in game meat.

The circumstances of the killing are not clear, but Cholmondeley is said to have shot dead Sisina with a bullet to the neck — he says in self-defence. Local whites immediately said it was the result of the police’s failure to tackle a spate of car-jackings, robberies and murders.

“These days you can’t ask questions. People come onto your land behaving as criminals, you don’t take chances. There is a complete collapse in the rule of law in this country,” said Dodo Cunningham-Reed, a local landowner and distant relative of the Delamere family.

It is all a far cry from the heady days which began when Cholmondeley’s great-grandfather Hugh set sail for Africa and settled in Kenya in 1903. An old Etonian, he was adept at promoting settlers’ interests and persuaded a number of friends to join him. By 1907, Kenya was home to Lords Cranworth, Hindlip, Cardross, Howard de Walden and, Egerton of Tatton.

He became a founding member of the Muthaiga club, an elegant colonial-style building where champagne was consumed in vast quantities. Called Africa’s Moulin Rouge, it was the Nairobi base for the Happy Valley set, whose sexual antics coined the joke: “Are you married or do you live in Kenya?”

Weekend house guests were often required to exchange spouses, drugs were distributed at the door, and men and women swapped tales when it was over — a lifestyle highlighted in James Fox’s fact-based novel White Mischief, turned into the Hollywood film, starring Greta Scacchi.

The scandal revolved around the murder of Lord Erroll, a prolific philanderer who had been enjoying an affair with Diana, wife of Sir Jock Delves Broughton. In January 1941 Erroll was found slumped in his car on the outskirts of Nairobi, with a bullet through his head.

Delves Broughton was tried for the murder but acquitted. He committed suicide in Liverpool in 1942. By then the striking Diana had left him for a millionaire cattle rancher, but eight years later married the fourth baron Delamere — Cholmondeley’s grandfather — a relationship that lasted until his death in 1979.

Though stories of the Delamere set still abound in Kenya, the Happy Valley set has dissolved. Today only a handful of white Kenyan families remain, and their current life is much less glamorous.

“The sun went down a very, very long time ago. There are just a few people here who cannot, will not accept it,” said one of the few old-time white residents.

The reality is that they have a hard life to make ends meet, with the added dangers of official corruption and violence ever present. It is true that most of them still talk in loud upper-class accents, but they drive battered Land Rovers and run modern safari companies or horticulture farms.

There is an air of siege, not least because of increasing bitterness from the Masai. Last Monday, one leader threatened to organise his tribesmen to invade the 100,000-acre Delamere family ranch, claiming the land was deceitfully taken from them in 1904.

In addition to unrest over land, a police crackdown on crime in Nairobi is believed to have driven gangsters into smaller towns. Many white farmers admit they now go to bed with guns at hand, half expecting intruders and have no confidence in the authorities’ ability to prevent crime.

Until recently, many reckoned sporadic murders and backhanders to grasping officials were still worth the prize. Overall, they enjoyed a good life, flitting around in private planes, and enjoying exclusive safaris and long holidays on idyllic beaches.

But even that much-reduced lifestyle could now be at risk Buses are robbed daily and a Briton and a Dutchman have been shot dead in the past six months. Emergency medical treatment can take an hour or more to arrive, and local farmers and business leaders have drawn up a list of members’ blood groups in case someone is attacked.

Meanwhile the descendant of the elegant Hugh Delamere found himself crowded into a dock with six other men last week, his hair shaved to curb the spread of lice common in Kenya’s cells, sleeping on a cardboard mattress and facing life in jail with no parole if convicted. It is a far cry from the pink gin and champagne lifestyle his great-grandfather enjoyed — one, it seems, that has gone for ever.

http://www.eastandard.net/archives/cl/hm_news/news.php?articleid=21034

Forth baron Delamere who still lives in the Soysambu farm, later became president of the Kenya national farmers Union, a colonial outfit of white settlers.

 

It was through this that he had stormed governors residence demanding an end to Mau mau terror.

It was not surprising during the Lancaster talks he became the chief adviser to the three European delegates and argued on retention of British citizenship even after independence. But Kenyatta would not hear of that. But he had the trust of two people: Jomo Kenyatta and his neighbour Bruce Mackenzie who owned a neighbouring Gongongeri Farm.

 

It was Delamere who organised white farmers to attend the Nakuru meeting in 1962 where Kenyatta made his famous "forgive and forget" speech. With that in August 1964 he took a Kenyan citizenship ending speculation he was about to leave. London had assured him that he would retain the title as long as Kenya remained within the commonwealth.

 

In 1962 he had a row with Paul Ngei after he tried to block the election of Ngei as chairman of Kenya African national Traders and African Union (Kantafu) to rival his Kenya National farmers Union describing it as "a pity".

 

In 1970 he was warned in Kenya parliament that he would lose his citizenship if he took a seat in the House of Lords. Martin Shikuku, then assistant minister for home affairs warned: If he takes the seat he will be finished.

 

After Independence his father’s name was erased from Nairobi and Delamere Street renamed Kenyatta Avenue. The 8-foot statue cast in his honour at the junction of Kenyatta and Kimathi Street was removed by City Mayor Charles Rubia after consulting with the family.

 

"In these changing times individuals must be prepared to make adjustments", Lord Delamere said.

But he will be remembered as the man who tried to force segregation in Kenya prompting the British government to issue the Devonshire White Paper of 1923 that proclaimed Kenya as an African country.

 

Lady Diana Broughton, at the centre of the 'White Mischief' scandal

 

After the Second World War, everything had changed through a bloody transformation that cost millions of lives. The apocalyptic clash between the free world and the evil Axis powers had not only transformed economic but also cultural relations, all around the globe and not just in Kenya. Where the Great War had similarly wrought an upheaval, it was left in stasis, and of course, one that in the end could only be resolved by another global conflict.

 

‘..........we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender............. until, in God's good time, the New World, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the Old.’

 

‘I would say to the House as I said to those who have joined this government: I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word: Victory. Victory at all costs — Victory in spite of all terror — Victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.’

 

 ‘Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duties, and so bear ourselves that if the British Empire and its Commonwealth last for a thousand years, men will still say, 'This was their finest hour.'’ Winston Churchill - June 18, 1940

 

'In fact, Britain had engaged in mass slaughter to subjugate Kenya. Winston Churchill referred in 1908 to one expedition by stating that “surely it cannot be necessary to go on killing these defenceless people on such an enormous scale”.' 

The Mau Mau war in Kenya, 1952-60, February 12, 2007, By Mark Curtis. An edited extract from Web of Deceit: Britain’s Real Role in the World

http://markcurtis.wordpress.com/2007/02/12/the-mau-mau-war-in-kenya-1952-60/

 

As Winston Churchill wrote in 1907, "in Kenya every white man in Nairobi is a politician, and most of them are the leaders of parties." http://www.american.edu/honors/Honors%20Activities/2004%20capstones/Martin.pdf

 

Churchill was not impressed by the ‘special pleading’ from Nairobi for this or that power; from the start, the prime minister emphasized the importance of negotiation. P71.

 

Churchill reacted strongly to the suggestion that there might be anything resembling mass executions in Kenya. To execute such large numbers was not in the PM’s view either ‘necessary or desirable’. P154

 

Churchill now saw Erskine’s efficient calm and pragmatism as a foil to the excitable hawks surrounding Baring. Churchill took a hand in Erskine’s appointment and saw to it that he was provided with a letter authorizing the assumption of martial powers, should the situation demand it. It was to be the ailing Prime Minister’s only meaningful intervention in Kenya’s said story before giving way to Anthony Eden in April 1955. P180.

'Histories of the Hanged, Britain’s dirty war in Kenya and the end of Empire', David Anderson, 2005.

 

Unfortunately, for settlerdom in Kenya, the outcome was not cultural and therefore political progress, although the white settlers - those that did not volunteer, or were conscripted - had done very well out of provisioning the war effort, and this comparative prosperity, compared with the poverty of the 1930s, bolstered rather than altered their cultural and political outlook. Nor did the post-war, fresh infusion of mainly British whites defuse, but rather further fuelled the time-bomb. Ossification into the 'Home' country carapace that the incisive travel writer, Laurens van der Post, presciently noted in 1952, had begun, and it was only a matter of time before something exploded from this compression.

 

The Colonial Administration in the late 1940s and early 1950s under the blinkered Governor Sir Philip Mitchell also ossified, despite the best efforts of the Labour Department, and the seasoned though misguided commissioners in the reserves (both in terms of their own 'Indirect Rule' conceptions, and their economic development theories, also hung over from 'Indirect Rule').

 

 

        

    Mitchell with Princess Elizabeth, Queen same year, 1952  Mitchell,'tribal' elders', both in 'regalia', waiting for Princess

 

Crucially, the Central Secretariat in Nairobi failed to accommodate legitimate African political aspirations, particularly in the highest civilian authority in the Colony, LegCo. Had there not been this ossification, and consequently, cultural and political carapace, Kenya would not have had to suffer Mau Mau, would not have undergone a decolonisation process that essentially was a web of deceit in Westminster, if not Government House under Sir Evelyn Baring, and would not now be in thrall to a clique of corrupt, grasping politicians nurtured by Jomo Kenyatta, who himself aspired to the conservative 'aristocracy' in the Gikuyu. Mau Mau was indeed a salutary shock to the system, and broke the economic mould, but not the political one, resulting in the transfer of power to this selfish clique who had their own interests at heart and not those of Kenyan society in general. The clique like some 'tribal' or ethnic juggernaut steamrollered the opposition, and ruthlessly exterminated them, vide. Tom Mboya, later Joseph Kariuki, and in the process, like the white settlers before them, aggrandized the best arable Land of which there was so little, in the former colony.

 

Therein lie the roots of Kenya's present political travesty and ethnic turmoil; that it was not only poorly served by its own political class, but at root by the British establishment, which suborned and brutalised at Lokitaung through alcohol the gentle, conservative and then humane man who, if he had a free hand, might have brought Kenya through to a future which would be endorsed by the very best thinkers of the Conservative Party, amongst whom foremost was Winston Churchill.

 

The ageing warrior's powers at this time were definitely waning, and Anthony Eden, himself not a well man, was no substitute, and perpetrated the treachery of Suez in 1956, which the Americans as arbiters of the free world rightly stamped on (did you ever see that film 'Plenty', with telling character portrayals by Meryl Streep [an American] of an Englishwoman traumatised by her experiences with the French resistance [the adrenaline of subterfuge and combat is addictive], her doting, dutiful, and eventually eclipsed husband, played by Charles Dance, and the old-school, patrician Foreign Office diplomat, played consummately by John Geilgud [his dismissal of the shallow Malaysian is exquisite], who feels so betrayed by Suez, that he resigns in soul-destroying chagrin. As a reformed and remorseful Confederate who reviles like Evelyn Waugh the petit bourgeois, this last performance spoke volumes to me. And not to mention fine supporting cameos by Tracy Ullman, Sam Neill, and Sting. The renowned [in England] playwright David Hare adapted the screenplay from his successful stage play which first opened in 1978. Films are as legitimate as inference in informing our analyses, and therefore, opinions.).

 

                                           

                     John Geilgud                                                                    Meryl Streep

 

(For an American - caustic in a way only the Americans know how - review of the film in the New York Times in 1985 see: http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9505E7D91739F93AA2575AC0A963948260&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=1 )

 

Kenya's political arena would not now be so open to thoroughly justifiable criticism on basic grounds of the denial, of fundamental human rights, including free speech; and the duty of society to care for its poorest members, which was enshrined after the war in Britain by Clement Attlee, after his landslide victory over Churchill, in the Welfare State.  And if it was not Kitson, it was someone else who paved the way for Bruce McKenzie, the comprador, during those long years of desolation for Kenyatta in that God-forsaken place close to the Ethiopian border, an inferno and crucible in Jomo's life about which we currently know so little.

 

If we could only get to the real truth here, and not see it through rosy adulatory accounts, bitter reminiscences of the other five in the Kapenguria Six, and through the warped lens of the DO's scanty and pithy annual reports - while it might open a veritable Pandora's box for the interpretation of Kenya's recent history - it would clear the air with a salutary effect for everyone concerned, and here I include Kenya's 40 million population, 57 per cent of which are classed as 'poor' - which in Africa, means a great deal more than it does in the developed world.

Thank you for indulging me again at such length,

Yours ever,

Tembo. 

PS.There was a tacit deal struck at Independence to sacrifice the mixed-farm sector of the former White Highlands - perhaps sacrifice is the wrong word, for many if not most of the 780 mixed-farmers who took the gap wanted to up stakes anyway, and you'd have to ask yourself why - so that the viable plantation and ranching sector could survive, and be interpenetrated by the new African elite, which was largely Gikuyu, and centred in the ethnic grouping's own nascent 'aristocracy' - look at Charles Njonjo, for example.

 

There was not only a transfer of power, but a partial one of wealth and Land, except that it ended up in the wrong hands. I do not believe, and I think that the economic record in Central Province at least will speak for this, that African small-holder production has not contributed subsequently considerably to Kenya's exports, particularly of coffee, but there again, as vulnerable to world trade reversals as were the white settlers in the 1930s.

 

In provinces less favoured by political patronage, it seems to have been a different story - look, for example, in my article: 'Land, the Tombola' at the (paternalist? We really have to adopt an historical and Kenyan frame of reference again here) quote by the former mixed-farmer from Lessos quite near Molo, about the Nandi from his former labour lines who took over his farm and messed it up, because they neither had sufficient education, nor adequate assistance from the government - the last being critical. There is also the quote from Keith Kyle at the head of the article, and the evidence that after birthing pangs as might be expected from such a huge exercise in social and economic engineering, crop yields rebounded and exceeded within a few years production when the land was in white hands. But I think this was in Central Province and the Rift; I stand gladly to be corrected, as always. TC.

 

‘Though production of certain items, particularly wheat, dropped very considerably at first, within the third year of settlement the production levels per acre were back up to the production levels of the European farms previously.’ Keith Kyle, ‘The Politics of the Independence of Kenya’, P155.

 

Esteemed reader’s comment: It is quite right that the estates were economically much more important than the mixed farms. However, to have farmed at all in those parts of the Rift and 'Plateau' that had previously been solely grazed by the Maasai was a pretty considerable achievement.

 
Esteemed reader’s comment: Tembo, I am interested in, and not objectionable to, what you are saying here. I will give it further thought before replying.

In the late 1950s, my father moved into growing peas, and also potatoes and pyrethrum. After a few years of success for him selling peas in Nairobi, the price began to drop as the Kikuyu moved into the market. I think peas was his last success before bankruptcy. Surely, though, the whites' mixed farms, and more so later the blacks's small farms, were never going to provide much export income? Were the coffee, tea and other estates, well managed, not more important to Kenya's economic future?

I am reminded of Mao Tse Tung. A few years ago, I read "Wild Swans"(Chang Jung) and was so impressed that when she published her book on MaoI bought it and read it. What a diatribe against Mao! It was so negative that in the end I decided I had "got the message" and gave up reading it.

However, I hope that it is read by historians and that a balanced view of Mao emerges. I may also return to reading it in the not too distant

 

Tembo: My thesis is acutely relevant to Kenya's present. In a nutshell - and please forgive the expletives - it is that the British establishment, as outlined in my article, f--ked Kenya's future by turning a man who otherwise would have faded into historical obscurity. With British money,he embarked on a land grabbing exercise that set a role model for his coterie, and the clique of grasping, corrupt politicans that run Kenya today.

 

It would have been far, far better (an echo of Dickens here) if a man like Tom Mboya, or - dare say it, chaps - Dedan Kimathi had led Kenya into Independence. I have no real quarrel to pick with the white settlers, because I am a reformed and remorseful Confederate myself, but they did obstruct Kenya's economic progress, because at the end of the day, they could not make ends meet.

 

And they were white supremacists, and extremely selfish economically, because to survive, they blocked the development of an African small-holder cash crop sector that as a platform for future development would have been far, far better than the large plantations and ranches that were left largely intact - and still  mostly in white hands - as a result of the unwritten deal that Kenyatta  struck with people like Delamere and the other aristocratic and rich rump of the settlers.

 

It was unfortunate perhaps that as a result around 780 mixed-farmers were forced to take the gap - actually many did so readily, because the nemesis of Mau Mau was always in the minds, and they feared for their families - and sell up under the threat of compulsory purchase orders at land prices that were deflated far below  their real market value because of the glut of such property on the market at that time, for the same reasons. Besides this, the white settlers were white supremacists, and the old colonial hands still are, and could hardly have assimilated into a black-dominated Kenyan society had not Kenyatta been so amenable and available.

 

These are hard truths that the historical record sustains. You only have to read some of Ewart Grogan’s and Group Captain Brigg's appalling statements after Mau Mau and in the run up to independence to understand this.

I grew up with the consequences of this travesty in Nairobi, in a school which still in 1970 was largely white and only because it was not government-owned, and believe me, during the 1960s it was still riven with the most vindictive and contemptuous racism that you will ever come across.

 

Unfortunately, my  outlook was similarly infected and corroded, so much so that when I returned home to Kampala in the school holidays, our old family retainers, even my ayah, Tausi, a substitute grandmother, was seen in this white supremacist light.

How close did you ever get to your family's African employees on your farm? Were they ever an extended family? Well, ours were, Tausi was a Muslim Baganda, Haruna the driver - whom we had to let go, because he was too ambitious and using the Peugeot as a matatu - related to Tausi, and also a Muslim, Tadeo who came from Rwanda, and Dieu Donne, also from Rwanda, but a Tutsi not Hutu like Tadeo was, they were all part of the family. The last two spoke far more fluent French than I could ever muster from my rudimentary education at school in Nairobi.

And we travelled on safari as an extended family, down to the Coast, where we had far, far different holidays than most mzungus, and trout-fishing on the Rivers Suam and Bukwa on Mount Elgon, and to Sipi mission on the Ugandan flanks of the eroded volcano, where there was a spectacular waterfall, and my father designed a cast-iron cross , despite his agnosticism, for the mission church. So I have all these fond memories, and maybe they cloud my judgement (as we journalists say, am getting too close to the story), but when I become at last aware in my middle-age of a vast swindle of poor, innocent, ill-educated people, and that the British were largely to blame for it, or rather the British establishment, because I am British, and a patriot, and they f--ked up, and badly, yes, I am f--king indignant and angry, and I truly hope that by the end of my life I can expose what a f--k-up it was,
Yours ever,
Tembo

 

PS. History is not some f--king dead, arcane sophistry or artifice, it is living and always around us. And it catches up with us, even at the very end. Read Rick Botfly's Long Drop - Bolluk8

Esteemed reader’s comment: I have been reading with interest and some bewilderment your communications by email and on your new Kenya website.

 I trust that the debate you are regenerating about Jomo Kenyatta will
 lead to some clarification of doubt, or resolution of historical conundra; if it does not, it will at least leave clearer differences of view, which is all right in the history discipline.

 On the other hand, I think your website will not achieve any political purpose (and that is what I think you want to achieve) if it seems to be focusing on events and people several decades into Kenya's past. Your website does not at present recognise that only those who are strongly versed in Kenya history and politics will see the relevance of Kenyatta's behaviour during the 1950s and 1960s to major deficiencies of Kenyan society and democracy in 2008.

Having said that, I will not omit some constructive comments!

You will agree that hypertext is wonderful technology for those interested in research and learning. It would be wonderful for all Kenyans, as well as for those interested in world affairs, including those of us who once lived in Kenya, have warm memories of Kenya and Kenyans and wish it well for the future, if there were a website that presented information on its past and present in hypertextual
form, enabling the user to drill down as required for more information, such as on the contribution of Kenyatta.

At the top level of my ideal website, there could be a summary of Kenya's history:


Period 1: what is known of its people before the Europeans arrived and began to write about them (e.g., for perpective on invasions, how many decades or centuries earlier had the tribes there themselves invaded Kenya and driven the indigenous people like the N'Derobo into the forests? and where had the invading tribes come from - what were their racial origins?).


Period 2: reflections on the events during the period of British occupation (including, for example, the encouragement of white settlement to pay for a strategic "lunatic" railway line, the environment of this colonisation, in the form of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuryphenomenon of European imperialism, the treatment of land in the Kenya highlands, including data on the population at the time of "settlement", the enforced movement of peoples to provide land for white settlement, the subsequent rise in the indigenous population leading to land hunger,and whether the Kikuyu tribe had any more reason to complain than other tribes and why other tribes did not join the Mau Mau.


Period 3: the developments in the periods of the Presidents since independence (including, for example, the factors leading to the increasing rise in the population in a country with limited natural resources to support them, the limited resources for education and development, the lack of integrity among its leaders (and the apparent reasons for this) and of course the reluctance of the richer countries of the world to accept the economic merits of free trade and import the
 produce of poorer countries like Kenya).

 The summary must of course make clear that there is contention on many issues, but the hypertext technology would allow drilling deeper for more information and would allow cross references to articles and books presenting different views on the issues (including for example what in
 the colonial period the British government did and what it might have done, and how Jomo Kenyatta may have behaved in the 1950s and why).

 I have just read in my Cambridge alumni magazine that an elderly graduate has just been awarded a PhD for his years of research into the details of the railway lines of Britain. Apparently, there was no theory here being rejected or not rejected; there was just a good huge task of investigation and clear presentation. Is there an opportunity here for a Cambridge PhD degree for a monumental investigation into and clear presentation, using web technology, of the history of Kenya?

Esteemed reader’s comment: I think it best that we simply agree to differ.


Tembo: Greetings. You may wax lyrical about your inferences of Jomo Kenyatta’s moral will as he saw it within his ethnic - dare say tribal, chaps - world view, but I beg to disagree. He had been around for a while, had travelled the world, and if there is nothing that travel does not do more, it is to broaden the mind. He had also lived a parasitical existence, for one can only describe it as such, vide. his landlady, as a guest in the most democratic country at that time in the world, apart
 from the United States of America.

 

So how come Kenyatta turned out to be such a despot, and ruthless aggrandizer of wealth, power and land? His was not a particularly strong character, misspent funds entrusted to his safekeeping, and somebody broke him along the way, and my suggestion is that it was at Lokitaung, because his previous history of backsliding informed the profilers, whoever they were, and wherever they came from. I suggest that the evidence points at the British establishment, or deep state.

 

Kitson did their bidding, being an ambitious career soldier on the fast track, and they caught Kenyatta in the pits of utter despair and desolation of alcoholism at Lokitaung in the arid, Northern Frontier District (I have  only been to Karamoja), when he was most amenable and available.

 

How else can you explain the outturn of events for an erudite and intellectual man, who had assimilated previously with the broad mainstream of Western thought since the Renaissance? Is there any evidence in ‘Facing Mount Kenya’ that he rejects this? No, to please his British hosts, and particularly the left-wing Hampstead set and Malinowski, he cooked up a quasi-anthropological relation of the Gikuyu, which subsequent true anthropologists have proved to be seriously flawed.

 

You see, I think that Mr Kenyatta was always that man riding around on his bicycle for the  waterworks; and maybe before, at Thogoto, and his own uncertain ancestry in the Gikuyu. I don’t mean to draw parallels with T. E. Lawrence here, but you see what I am driving at. As I say, the extant photographs of Kenyatta are very revealing, when you look at them from this perspective, Yours ever, Tembo.  

(*carapace definition : carapace n the thick hard shield, made of chitin or bone, that covers part of the body)

 

 

 

 

I want a country

 

I want a country

let the sky be blue, the bough green, the cornfield yellow

let it be a land of birds and flowers

 

I want a country

let there be no pain in the head, no yearning in the heart

let there be an end to brothers' quarrels

 

I want a country

let there be no rich and poor, no you and me

on winter days let everyone have house and home

 

I want a country

let living be like loving from the heart

if there must be complaint, let it be of death

 

Cahit Sitki Taranci (1910, Diyarbakir - 1956)

translated by Bernard Lewis

 

 

Jomo

 

was ‘friendly’

 

 with British

 

 

intelligence

 (Photos: Top: Sir Roger Hollis, 6th Director-General, MI5; Bottom:Jomo Kenyatta, cover of 'Facing Mount Kenya')

 

Jomo Kenyatta and the British Security Service (MI5) had a ‘friendly’ relationship around the time of Independence in 1963, according to recent information publicly disclosed in the UK. In all probability this still exists today with the present Kenyan government. And also, to MI5 – unlike the Colonial administration – Kenyatta was never seen as a serious threat to the established order.  ‘Kenya Tembo’ is publishing this information, received from a reliable source, because we think it sheds further light on our article below: ‘Drinking with the Devil.’

 

During the final constitutional talks in London before Independence on December 12, 1963, a senior official in the outgoing colonial administration took both Jomo Kenyatta and Charles Njonjo to meet the director-general of MI5, Sir Roger Hollis, for a 30-minute talk. The full content of the discussion is unknown, except that both Kenyatta and Njonjo were reportedly keen that the security service should stay on in Kenya after independence to assist with the training of Special Branch officers. Hollis himself reported a ‘friendly meeting’.

 

At the time Kenyatta was Prime Minister of an interim administration, Njonjo was to become Kenya’s first black Attorney General in 1963; and MI5 was and is now Britain’s domestic secret intelligence service (the  Secret Service), and is responsible for protecting the United Kingdom against threats to national security. Sir Roger Hollis was its Sixth Director General, from 1956-1965.

 

Charles Njonjo

 

Njonjo played a central role in the first post-Independence government, is a known Anglophile of the British establishment, and has been a constant steward of British interests in Kenya. He was also very close friends with the true ‘comprador’ outlined below. He has never expounded at length about his past in government, unlike many of his familiars from that period, such as Duncan Ndegwa, a former Central Bank Governor. There also seems to be no authoritative biography of Njonjo (see links below). His would be a fascinating story.

 

Hollis was himself intimately familiar with Kenyatta’s past. The renowned intelligence chief had been in charge of monitoring Kenyatta’s activities during the Second World War (1939-1945), when Kenyatta worked on the land to avoid conscription, and gave talks to British servicemen stationed in the vicinity of his rural retreat at Storrington in Sussex, where he also took an English wife, Edna Grace Clarke.

 

‘On the marriage certificate, Kenyatta put his age down as thirty-seven and gave his profession as ‘author and lecturer’, describing himself as a bachelor......’

 

‘............It was a personality made up of contradictions. He was at once gregarious and secretive; at once assertive and cautious, at once sympathetic and distant. Such men who keep their inner thoughts to themselves like company if they can control it, and if they find they cannot, then often they show the less pleasing side of their natures.... But it is also worth reflecting that his readiness to marry a white woman showed he was troubled by no racist impulses, but inspired by that spirit of ‘anything  you can do I can do better’ which marked so many of his actions.’ PP 213-216, ‘Kenyatta’, by Jeremy Murray-Brown.

 

From the information received, it has also transpired that Walter Bell, MI5’s Security Liaison officer, was neighbour in Nairobi to Margaret Wambui Kenyatta, Mzee’s constant confidant and advisor, who later became Mayor of Nairobi (1970-1976), and then Kenyan ambassador to the United Nations (1976-1986).  Born in 1928, she is the daughter of  Kenyatta and his first wife, Grace Wahu. Margaret also after Independence became the owner of substantial tracts of land.

 

It has also transpired that MI5 in the UK during the 1950s took a far more level-headed view of the threat that Kenyatta posed to the established order in Kenya. From the latest evidence, MI5 could see no Red (Communist) threat in Kenyatta, and was used to dealing with – and accommodating – nationalists.

 

The evidence shows that MI5 knew the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) was furious with and despised African leaders like Kenyatta and Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana for their ‘petty bourgeois nationalism’. In MI5’s analyses, the CPGB itself was a ramshackle organisation.

 

However, the source of this information also maintained that in the last resort, the ‘panicky’ colonial administration ruled in Kenya up until Independence. Colonial officialdom, according to the source, feared and hated Kenyatta until his profession of reconciliation after his release from eight years of captivity. The meeting between Hollis, Kenyatta and Njonjo, the source also stressed, was what any outgoing or incoming administration would expect as a natural step in the handover of power.

 

In the end, the source added, Kenyatta was released only because Kenya’s African leaders unitedly demanded that. During these tumultuous years in the late 1950s and early 1960s, other African leaders besides Kenyatta were making the running, notably Tom Mboya, none of whom could be considered reliable supporters of the imprisoned leader. Consequently, the source said, it was difficult to see how any state, however ‘deep’, could have had any long-term policy of grooming Kenyatta as a comprador.

 

However, ‘Kenya Tembo’ still maintains that, if not Frank Kitson, then someone else ‘turned’ Kenyatta, on the orders of the deep state, while he was still in captivity. Not to the extent that he became a lackey of the departing colonial power, Britain, but that he was amenable and available. This was largely because his political morality had been broken at the show-trial in Kapenguria in 1952/53, and particularly in his desolation during six years of solitary confinement in the most  rudimentary of cells at Lokitaung in the arid north of the country. It was an experience which would break or make any man – we need not relate the details again here, please see below – and Kenyatta’s political morality was broken.

 

‘Kenya Tembo’ also understands that the ground was already being prepared for Kenyatta in the recruiting sometime in the late 1950s or early 1960s of the true comprador, who had Kenyatta’s ear in the innermost counsels of his cabinets until 1969 – and beyond – and acted as a personal conduit to the British deep state. This key actor assisted Kenyatta in decolonisation in a devoted belief in the future of his chosen African country, and particularly the transfer of land in the former White Highlands to African settlers – to defuse Gikuyu land hunger, and thereby prevent another Mau Mau.

  

http://en.wikipedia.org

/wiki/Charles_Mugane_Njonjo

http://www.mi5.gov.uk/

http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/

article4463.htm

http://en.wikipedia.org/

wiki/Margaret_Kenyatta

 http://www.kenyapage.net/

letters/charles.html

Charles Njonjo was retained as attorney general and was subsequently made minister... Source: African Successes "d0e4403" [content.cdlib.org]  

 Charles Njonjo has always been a steward of British interests in Kenya... Source: Kenya Times Newspaper [www.timesnews.co.ke]  
 KOINANGE: Charles Njonjo is considered the grand old man of Kenyan politics... Source: CNN.com - Transcripts [transcripts.cnn.com]  
 Njonjo is from Kabete, the family stomping grounds... Source:
www.biblestudy.net... [www.biblestudy.net]  
 Njonjo is helping to negotiate... Source: Cinderella goes to Kenya | | Guardian Unlimited Arts [arts.guardian.co.uk] 

 

 


                                                                

                                                             Tom Mboya, assassinated, July 5, 1969

 

 

 

News Feature
Sunday, June 25, 2000


What Moi gained from Pinto death

By KAMAU NGOTHO

A triple combination of luck, deadly scheming and miscalculation by other players resulted in Daniel arap Moi Moi becoming the overall beneficiary of Pio Gama Pinto's elimination.

At his murder in February, 1965, the most visible and seemingly indisputable beneficiary of the defeat of Pinto's political ideals and forces was Tom Mboya.

 

Mboya, was the high-calibre gun Jomo Kenyatta had used to bring down the left-wing faction in his government, whose top-league schemer was Pinto, but whose eminence grise was Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.

 

David Goldsworthy, Mboya's biographer, summarises his role in defeating the Odinga/Pinto camp in the following words: "Tom Mboya fought the arduous power struggle of 1964-66 with masterful technique and a quite chilling implacability. He fought to win, of course, but more than that, he fought to eliminate his opponents from the contest entirely. He fought by nothing less than zero-sum rules: Winner take all and crush the loser."

 

What Mboya did not know at the time was that his usefulness to Kenyatta's innermost circle would last as long as the left-wing threat to the Kenyatta regime lasted. Once the leftists had safely been contained, Mboya would himself become a prime target for physical elimination.

 

When fighting the Odinga camp, Mboya had the full backing of the Kenyatta inner circle. Indeed, one of the fatal miscalculations by the Odinga group was their initial assumption that Mboya was acting on his own and was not a tool – perhaps an unwitting one – of Kenyatta's inner circle. When the Odinga-Pinto confederacy finally woke up to the reality that they were ranged against forces mightier than Mboya, it was too late to launch a successful counter-offensive.

 

That Mboya had been merely the Trojan Horse for the men from Kiambu emerged when the same machinery that had been used to fight the Odinga camp was turned on Mboya.

 

In the demise of the left-wing threat – after Pinto had died and Odinga (and such of his lieutenants as Bildad Kaggia, Denis Akumu, Kimani Waiyaki, J.D. Kali and Achieng Oneko) had been shown the red card from Kanu – the battle immediately shifted to what Joseph Karimi and Philip Ochieng would call The Kenyatta Succession. Mboya assumed that his efforts to crush the leftists would automatically make him the frontrunner in the succession race. The Kiambu power group around Kenyatta had other ideas. The most visible members were Mbiyu Koinange, Dr Njoroge Mungai and Charles Njonjo.

 

In the period 1967-69, the political scene was a battlefield between Mboya and the Kikuyu inner circle. Kenyatta posed as neutral but sided with the Kikuyu group whenever push came to the shove. Before Kenyatta's release from prison, the West had toyed with the idea of having Mboya as the first leader of the independent Kenya. The idea was shot down when British strategists suggested that Mboya was too pro-America and opted to re-mould Kenyatta as the best bet to secure British interests in its former colony.

 

Mboya proved once in a while that he did not mind upstaging Kenyatta. A most remarkable incident – and for which Kenyatta never forgave him – was his change of Kenya's independence date from Kenyatta's choice, October 20, to December 12. According to confidential papers opened to public scrutiny in London last year, in August, 1963, Prime Minister Kenyatta sent Mboya to London to negotiate a suitable date for Kenya's independence.

 

Kenyatta specifically wanted Mboya to push for October 20, the date Kenyatta and other uhuru nationalists were arrested by the colonial government. But Mboya, who came from the next generation of nationalists, was not keen about Kenyatta's chosen date. In London, Mboya conspired with the British government to have December 12. In any case, London, too, was not happy with October 20 for the bitter memories it was bound to arouse among the freedom fighters.

The stakes in the Kenyatta succession got to feverish heights when the President suffered a stroke in August, 1968. In a panic, the Kikuyu group rushed through Parliament a motion raising the qualifying age for presidential candidates from 35 to 40 years. The move was meant to block Mboya, then 38, from a presidential contest in case Kenyatta died of the stroke. The age limit on presidential candidates reverted to 35 years once Mboya was out of the way.'

 

The 1969 General Election was to provide the climax to Mboya's battle for political supremacy with the Kikuyu inner group. Both sides were reported to be working overdrive ready for the major showdown. But there was never to be a showdown. Four months to the General Election, an assassin's bullet cut short Mboya's life. With Mboya gone, his line-up of candidates in the November election was easily crushed.'

 

The spy in the Cabinet: Daily Nation, 30/3/2000

News Features
Monday, April 3, 2000


Mackenzie was tough but good for Kenya


In the final part of our series on Bruce Mackenzie, minister in the Kenyatta government and a secret agent for Britain, Israel and South Africa, KAMAU NGOTHO gives you insights on the behind-the-scenes manoeuvres of a master manipulator.


 

................Rarely did Kenyatta disagree with Mackenzie's political assessments. And when he did, it was on matters that Kenyatta was emotionally committed to. One such occasion was the formation of Kenya's first Cabinet in June 1963.

 

As Mzee drew up the list, Mackenzie urged him not to appoint Oginga Odinga as his deputy. He argued that Odinga would not make "a good team player". But, according to Ndegwa, Mzee defended his choice, saying the best way to contain Odinga was to put him where he could be closely watched. Kenyatta had compared the vice-president's job to "a chain around the holder's neck".

 

Though working for different foreign interests, which sometimes clashed, Mackenzie and Tom Mboya, Kenyatta's pro-American Cabinet minister, were intimate friends. They remained close even after Mboya and the Kiambu power clique parted ways in the wake of Odinga's removal from the vice-presidency–when Mboya was deemed to have served his purpose.

 

Mboya was a frequent visitor to Mackenzie's Langata home, where the two would chat for hours on the verandah, one sipping wine and the other brandy. The visits became longer and more frequent in the weeks before Mboya's assassination in 1969.

 

In a 1992 interview after his retirement from the police force, Mackenzie's bodyguard, Peter Karanja, remembered Mboya's last visit to Mackenzie's home. Mackenzie had brought from a visit to England two grey sports jackets.

 

When Mboya popped in, each of them wore his. Karanja remembers: "Mboya looked worried. You could tell that something was wrong somewhere. The two talked until very late into the night."

Mackenzie was lounging in the veranda of his home on July 5, 1969, when the radio announced that Mboya had been shot dead. "Oh no! They can't have killed Tom," Karanja recalls him exclaiming, as he shuffled into the living room and came out with the radio, his face a mask of sorrow.

 

Only a few months before, he had defended Mboya at a charged Cabinet meeting.

According to Mboya's biographer, David Goldsworthy, the minister had been accused of disrespect to the Head of State and soliciting funds to topple the government.

 

Only Mackenzie spoke up in his defence of Mboya. Goldsworthy says that Mackenzie described the besieged Minister for Economic Planning as a patriotic son of Kenya whose rare talents were a source of jealousy among colleagues.

 

Looking Kenyatta straight in eye, Mackenzie related the story of the king who killed his most loyal servant at the prompting of envious aides.

 

In the end, says Goldsworthy, Kenyatta saw things Mackenzie's way and the accusations against Mboya were dismissed.'

 

 

'Our only dog in the

kennel

                                                                                    

Response by Professor John Lonsdale to ‘Drinking with the Devil’:

PARAGRAPH INDENTS INSERTED BY TEMBO

 

Dear Tembo,

In this reply, please note that while I have seen some of the official correspondence I have not seen all. I am also aware that some of the deepest thoughts of any 'deep state' will never be found on paper.

     But, in brief, I would sketch the British-Kenyatta relationship thus. In 1952 very few official Brits would have accepted that Kenyatta had nothing to do with Mau Mau. Some of those very few may have included one or two in MI6 and the Kenya Police--but they would have thought him 'not dangerous' rather than a potential comprador. That would be to credit them with far too much imagination at a time when Blundell looked the most likely PM of a self-governing, 'non-racial' Kenya.

     But the British HAD to try Kenyatta in court; they could not have bumped him off (as some settlers wanted). The Conservatives would not have survived that in Parliament. He probably also HAD to be found guilty (although I have found no conclusive proof that Thacker was told that his £20k fee depended on that verdict).

     It would also have been deeply embarrassing for Kenyatta to die in custody: remember that there was a constant appeal process, kept in being by Dennis Pritt, for some years (hence the need to stop him drinking himself from death). Then in mid 1958, just as the British hoped that by electoral reform they were creating a more pliable African elite, Odinga upsets the apple cart by declaring that, whatever the British hope to do, Kenyatta is still the leader.

     I would say that the publication of the Corfield Report in May 1960, coupled with Renison's 'darkness and death' speech, together show most British high officials still determined that Kenyatta should have no part in Kenya's future as late as that.

     This was certainly true of the Kenyan government, whose chief secretary was Wally Coutts who never forgave Kenyatta for 'the women's revolt' of 1947 that destroyed Coutts's rule, as DC, over Fort Hall/Muranga. I don't think that even the British government harboured any great unstated hopes for Kenyatta at this time, given the degree to which everybody courted Tom Mboya (for which see Keith Kyle's book). No British politician had any faith in KADU, derided as 'the second eleven' (also Kyle).

     KANU were clearly the team of the future with which one would have to come to terms, and KANU was determined that Kenyatta was their leader. So that Kenyatta was, as Sir Charles Arden Clarke said of Kwame Nkrumah, 'our only dog in the kennel' and therefore the man with whom they had to deal, not out of love but out of necessity.

     And they discovered that they had misunderstood Kenyatta all along, a conservative and acquisitive elder who disliked Mau Mau as much as the settlers did, since Mau Mau had the capacity to lead the opinion of a Kikuyu tribe that had traditionally paid heed to its elders and was dangerously prone to listen, instead, to hooligans.

     This would be my answer to your 'Kitson and brandy' hypothesis. My explanation for the RW Johnson quote would be that Kitson said something like 'the question for us' was what to with Kenyatta, quoting common British official opinion, and that RWJ took it that Kitson was much more up among the 'us' than would have been the case for a mere Captain in an army of which the British c colonial admin and Kenya settlers were deeply suspicious, capable as it was of imposing a metropolitan British solution on a colony that had proved incapable of defending itself from a few gangsters armed with pangas and home-made guns.

All the best, all the same, John

 

 

 

Drinking

 

with the

 

 Devil

(Pictures: top: Frank Kitson; bottom: Jomo Kenyatta)  

 

‘Some years ago Frank Kitson, who had been in charge of Kenyatta's detention, told me that the real decision was whether or not to let him kill himself by giving him the bottle of spirits he was then demanding and consuming every day. The decision Kitson took — to refuse him drink and dry him out — was a fateful one in Kenya's history.’

R W Johnson, review in 2005 of BRITAIN'S GULAG: The Brutal End of Empire in Kenya, by Caroline Elkins; and HISTORIES OF THE HANGED: Britain's Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire, by David Anderson. http://entertainment.timesonline.co.uk/tol/arts_and_entertainment/books/article408636.ece

 

General Sir Frank Kitson had – and still has - a brilliant military mind, particularly in intelligence and low-level counter-insurgency tactics. R W Johnson is arguably South Africa’s foremost white journalist. During the closing stages of the Mau Mau Emergency between 1952 and 1960, Kitson had worked with one Ian Henderson, who later wrote the 1950s best-seller, ‘The Hunt for Kimathi’. In the post-Independence 1960s, it was banned in Kenya, and understandably. The nouveau riche and land grabbing African elite did not want any martyr’s tales around at that time, even if told from the oppressing side.

 

Ian Henderson, being interviewed on television in 1964

 

Kimathi , a deeply thoughtful man with considerable hang-ups, did immediately before and in the early days of his forest life, have some revolutionary ideas, before they were warped by being constantly hunted, and in fear of a vengeful white nemesis. Central to his struggle was the Mau Mau’s banner: ‘Land and Freedom’. Not one that you or I in our contented, peaceful existence in Kenya or Great Britain – and I still believe in Great – would be intolerant towards, but those were very different days and circumstances. The Empire and by extension, the British deep state was under threat, as especially were its kith and kin in the Colony. 

 

 

 

The book told the gripping story of the creation of pseudo-gangs from Mau Mau renegades, who were sent back into the forests of the Aberdares and Mount Kenya in the closing stages of the insurgency in 1955, ‘56 and ‘57, to turn or root out the last, die-hard vestiges of the barbaric movement – for such it had become by that time, trapped in the forests, on the run all the time, and forced to ensure loyalty through atavistic rituals of horrific oathing that were a far cry from their respected civilian antecedents in Gikuyu society.  As ‘Confederate’ boys, we used to pass the book around surreptitiously, revelling both in the insubordination as rebellious teenagers, and the well-written account of the man-hunt itself.

 

 

                                                                        

 

Kimathi was driven like a wild, rogue animal by the pseudo gangs to the forest fringes, where quite by chance he ran up against a Tribal Police and Home Guard patrol, was shot and wounded, and ended up in hospital until he had recovered enough to be dispatched at the gallows, on February 18, 1957 (see Peter Swan quotes below). With his death, the Mau Mau movement all but collapsed, which is precisely what the aristocratic Governor Sir Evelyn Baring, a dilatory man at the best of times, really wanted, to be rid of the curse that afflicted his ‘patrimony’.  Such was the way people like Baring from his particular clique in British society, the so-called establishment (in Turkey, they have an apt phrase: ‘the deep state’)  thought at the time – vide. the treachery of Suez in 1956. For all we commoners know, they probably still do, although MI6 is supposed to be much less of a family  concern and far more meritocratic these days.

 

                                                                 MONUMENT FOR KIMATHI, FINALLY





The Kenya government has finally decided to honour Field marshal Dedan Kimathi, with a monument that will be unveilled at the junction of Nairobi's Kimathi Street and mama Ngina street.
Kimathi was one of the Mau Mau freedom fighters who led troops against the British army, eager to continue with their colonial escapades in africa. Born in Thenge Village Tetu division, Nyeri District, he joined the local primary school, Karuna-ini, at age 15 where he perfected his English skills. He would later use those language skills to write extensively before and during the uprising. He was a Debate Club member in his school and deeply religious and carried a Bible regularly. He later joined Tumutumu CSM School for his secondary learning, but dropped out for lack of funds.

In 1946 he became a member of the Kenya African Union from where he became a leader of its Nyahururu (then Thompson Falls) branch.
He became radically political in 1950 and involved himself with the Mau Mau, and later that year administered the oath of the Mau Mau, making him a marked man. He joined Forty Group, the militant wing of the defunct Kikuyu Central Association in 1951 and was briefly arrested in that same year, but escaped with the help of local police. This marked the beginning of his violent uprising. He formed Kenya Defence Council to co-ordinate all forest fighters in 1953.

In 1956, he was finally arrested with one of his wives, Wambui. He was sentenced to death by a court presided by Chief Justice Sir Kenneth O'Connor, while he was in a hospital bed at the General Hospital Nyeri. In the early morning of February 18, 1957 he was executed by the colonial government and buried in an umarked grave.
The British have ever since refused to show where they buried him regarding him as a terrorist.
The last two Kenya governments of Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi also refused to honour Kimathi.
posted by john kamau @ 10:37 PM   4 comments (See: Swan below for fuller account of Kimathi's capture, detention and hanging; readers accessing these comments should also note that there is a long tirade, seemingly against the world in general, amongst them, which may be offensive to some people, particularly on religious or sexual grounds.)
            

So, that begs another question. If Kitson was responsible for Kenyatta’s detention, then presumably most of the time it must have been at one remove i.e. from Nairobi, or maybe closer, at Nyeri, out of which he worked with Henderson. But at the same time, again if we are to take R W Johnson at his word, Kitson presumably would have had to travel, perhaps by light aircraft, to Lokitaung to visit his long-distance captive, and make sure he was properly provided for i.e. with a bottle a day, or not so. And if Kenyatta was going through cold Turkey - as any person would if such ingestion of a bottle a day were abruptly terminated - then surely Kitson as his concerned and/or responsible captor would have been by his side more frequently, if not most or all of the time.

 

                                                   Lokitaung area, Northern Frontier District, circa. 1958/59

   

What on earth was Kitson doing up in such a remote place as Lokitaung, minding for two months or so through his critical torment the man that Kenya’s whites both reviled and feared as the ‘leader unto darkness and death’? Look at Kitson’s subsequent career, and you will understand he was on the fast-track, excelling in low-level, counter-insurgency operations in northern Ireland in the 1970s against the Irish Republican Army (IRA), for example, and writing a book on the methodology which became a well-thumbed manual on the training curriculum of covert security forces the world over, including the CIA and the Shah’s Savak.

 

                                                                  Mau Mau gang - probably not on active service

 

And let’s look here at the British deep state’s intentions as well (the man in the bowler with the brolly in Swan’s prescient account below). Here was a perfect public relations exercise for them – if Kenyatta was quaffing so much alcohol, then if this were bruited abroad, it would finish off his character altogether for the Kiambu elders; his drinking prior to his arrest as control of the Kenya African Union slipped into the hands of the urban radicals in Nairobi had already become of some concern. But no; the deep state sat on it, and ordered Kitson to make sure that Kenyatta survived – and what else? Questions, questions, and always legitimate ones from a veritable Pandora’s chest for Kenya. The real truth lies with Kitson, or is somewhere out there on that stony ground around Lokitaung in the Northern Frontier District.

 

Here is the plausible thesis of this article, by no means fully proven, but nevertheless legitimate and informed in its point of inquiry. What was it that the British establishment, the deep state, thought so important that they would send a man with such promise up to such a God-forsaken place – Kenyatta himself was reading around in the world’s great religions – and on a journey that took Kitson out of the main action? Or was the main action with regard to posterity taking place at Lokitaung? The British deep-state took a long view, was still imbued with the ideal of Empire – Suez was yet to happen – and wanted to see whether Kenyatta could be turned. If so, Kenya’s future as a stable, Western-oriented British dependency could be assured – independence to most Empire believers was still some way off, in the next fifty years, and then perhaps. 

 

However, Mau Mau in its horrible actuality broke this carapace, and ushered in increasing African representation in LegCo, and the Swynnerton plan of agricultural reform. And therein lies another question – who did Kitson answer to, General ‘Bobby’ Erskine, the commander-in-chief of British forces in Kenya, or to someone carrying a brolly and wearing a bowler in London? One only has to think of the bluff Erskine’s famous and typically caustic relation of his first impressions of the country to his wife:  "Kenya is the Mecca of the middle class…a sunny place for shady people…I hate the guts of them all…I dislike them all with few exceptions" to arrive at another plausible answer. There are so many tangents and extrapolations from this, that it is cataclysmic in its implications for Kenya’s recent history.

 

 

 

                                                                       

                                                                        General 'Bobby' Erskine

 

And viewed from this plausible angle, this drinking with the Devil was the prelude to the economic and commercial deal struck in the years immediately prior to Independence, when the mixed-farm sector of Kenya’s former White Highlands was sacrificed to appease African and mainly Gikuyu land hunger. In this wilderness bargain, the ranching and plantation backbone – which the economic course of the 1950s had amply proved was the viable portion of otherwise impecunious and insolvent settlerdom – could survive alongside African small-holder cultivation of cash-crops  like coffee and pyrethrum, previously denied to them in the exclusive priveleges accorded to the mixed-farm sector of the White Highlands.  And in the last resort, British interests would be protected and indulged, and so would the Conservative Party’s perception of Britain’s geostrategic interests.

 

On being released from the half-way staging post at Lodwar to a home with some creature comforts at Maralal– the deep-state was being very cautious , even though the house's roof was riddled with snakes – Kenyatta was permitted to give his first international press conference on April 11, 1961. Or rather, the deep state orchestrated it for him (see quote below from Keith Kyle, 'The Politics of the Independence of Kenya'). Suddenly, for the dorp, it was: ‘Maralal, this is your life.’  The dear Consolata Sisters at the local mission Convent, who liked, admired and prayed for Kenyatta very much, could not believe the hub-bub and commotion.

 

Kenyatta appeared to be relaxed and in good health, if a little more drawn and greyer, his curls shot with white, than those among the hack-pack who had been around for a while could remember him.  This was it; the first impression of the hated and feared African freedom fighter leader after so long in captivity. You can imagine the comments and asides whispered amongst the throng of journalists as Kenyatta with considerable gravitas took his seat, and answered questions politely in a voice more gravelly than the old hands could remember, but whose change in intonation if not impeccable accent could be put down to age, not maltreatment by his jailors.

 

Broadly, the conservative Kenyatta’s reassuring message at Maralal was that the colonial power, Britain, and anyone staking their future in Kenya, had nothing to fear from his leadership; quite the contrary, in the interests of stability and economic prosperity, and a better future for all of Kenya’s population, black or white, nothing much would change. The old order might be reformed in time, but it would not be overthrown overnight.

 

Later, at a key meeting with white farmers in Nakuru in the Rift Valley, Kenyatta would go further; those that wanted to stay would be welcome to do so, so long as they actively participated in developing Kenya’s future in line with the slogan: ‘Uhuru na Kazi’, which implied a recognition of racial equality at least in the workplace. Many of the whites attending the meeting came away with what they thought was a tacit understanding: that what the mzungus thought in their own homes and amongst themselves was their own business, so long as it did not corrupt and destabilise the public domain and the future.

 

Of course, it already had, back at Lokitaung, and that crucial two months or so when Kitson weaned Kenyatta off the bottle – for that is how long it takes,  and much longer, as any ‘recovering' alcoholic will tell you. And in the course of ‘recovery’, there are moments of fantastical delusion, in the grips of delirium tremens, and utter pits of depression, despair and disillusion. If there is a comforting and guiding voice in your ear, a hand at your elbow to stabilise your middle-aged passage to the toilet, would you not listen, and take heed of the deal that was being offered to you?  Particularly if it was being offered by a nice young chap, an intellectual who could parry with you, and on whom you could bestow proverbial wisdom.  It had been so long, and General China's uplifting songs were all very well as a friendly antidote to the contempt, ostracism and bullying of the other inmates, but he was not quite the same thing – one of the Kapenguria Six had even tried to stab Kenyatta with a kitchen knife. Lokitaung was not a very nice experience at all personally for the ageing leader, even if it resuscitated his reputation and following amongst the Gikuyu.

 

And this writer does not think that Kenyatta entered Lokitaung in 1953 along with the rest of the Kapenguria Six in a bright and optimistic frame of mind, or in a fighting mood.  He was still shell-shocked at the travesty of British justice perpetrated on him in 1952/53 in that shabby courthouse compound well out of the way in Kapenguria near Kitale. It was still not fully conceivable to him that the British Empire, in all its majesty, could stoop so low.

 

The British deep state, that alliance of Empire, class, privilege, kinship in the Conservative Party, and the Secret Intelligence Service, cruelly broke Kenyatta’s morality at Kapenguria  and Lokitaung, as was intended. Kitson was its keenly honed and intellectual emissary, when the SIS profilers judged the time was ripe.

 

The glaring publicity with which the Kapenguria trial was staged was just a smokescreen; Louis B Leakey colluded for a while, until throwing his hand in, exhibiting disgust and disdain. One can hardly imagine how deeply wounding to Kenyatta’s psyche and infuriating it must have been for an erudite and essentially democratic if conservative man, who believed in the principles of British justice and fair play, to be arraigned in the dock by the government on patently false and scurrilous charges; and to realize as the trial unwound, that he would be wrongly convicted at its close.

 

Up until now, whatever his circumstances, Kenyatta had never lost faith in the British system – reform could be achieved from the inside through peaceful and democratic means. At least Nelson Mandela understood from the outset that he was a condemned man, and that there was little hope of a reprieve from Pretoria, and could come to terms with that. But in Kenya, before the state of emergency, British rule of law had prevailed, supposedly the most equitable in the world, and a model for all humanity.

 

‘The British had ignored the opportunity of co-operating with KAU to keep the peace. Challenged by Somerhough that Mau Mau had taken no heed of his denunciations, Kenyatta snorted, ‘You people have the audacity to ask me silly questions. I have done my best and if all other people had done as I have done, Mau Mau would not be as it is now. You made it what it is, not Kenyatta.’ To Somerhough this absurdity was the ultimate self-incrimination; he closed his questioning in triumph. But Kenyatta’s accusation had epitomized his people’s history.’

From ‘Kenyatta’s Trials’, a chapter by Professor John Lonsdale, Trinity College, Cambridge University, in ‘The Moral Rule of the Law’, edited by Peter Cross. www.cambridge.org/catalogue/

catalogue.asp?isbn=9780521648332 

 

According to this - again highly plausible - thesis, the British deep state broke Kenyatta as a proto-Third World democrat like Julius Nyerere and Kwame Nkrumah, suborned him through Kitson’s ministrations when he was imprisoned in the arid north of the country, and the world was bereft with sometimes disastrous consequences. Kenyatta was forever afterwards looking back over his shoulder, and when he finally became President in 1964 after Independence in 1963, at the head of Kenya’s first black government, ruthlessly aggrandized power, wealth – and crucially, as a role model for his extended family and coterie – Land.  This grand larceny was more often than not at the expense of the state and Kenya’s mostly ill-educated population. His successor President Daniel arap Moi followed in his footsteps. There were many accomplices in this massive swindle of the lives of countless millions, that began in Kapenguria and the arid desert jail of Lokitaung, and they themselves have never stood trial in open court.

                                                                                                                                            Tembo Caloglu, November 25, 2008.

 

Comments on this thesis from Professor John Lonsdale, with Tembo Caloglu’s responses:

 

From: John Lonsdale

Sent:  24 November 2008 17:15:57

To:     Tembo Caloglu (tembo3caloglu@live.co.uk)

Dear ,

I've just skimmed Kitson's _Gangs and Counter-Gangs_. He didn't get out

to Kenya until August 1953. Kenyatta had been sentenced in April. Kitson

makes absolutely NO mention of going north at any time--although he had 'An

Interlude' in Narok. So I think he cited 'common knowledge' to RWJ--but

how far that 'knowledge' was correct I do not know. Besides, would the

prisons dept budget run to a bottle per day for a prisoner (not perhaps a

good argument since we know Judge Thacker was paid £20k from a government

slush fund). I would like to see some official correspondence before

saying 'yea' or 'nay'. John

 

Hello, John,

Greetings. I hope you are well and in good spirits........................ In the interests of transparency, here is a paragraph penned today to a friend. We are still on the record, and there is a wider audience in the BCC line:

 

What really transpired at Lokitaung? Was Captain or Major Kitson really 'looking after' Jomo for a while?  Why would the British army or whoever send such a brilliant military intelligence mind at that time on the fast-track up to such a lonely and out-of-the-way place for even just a couple of months? At which point in Jomo's incarceration was this, at the time of his being ostracized and bullied by the other inmates? You see, it has been my contention against that of Professor John Lonsdale, who maintains that Mzee came out much as he went in, that six years of intellectual destitution in solitary really does something to a man, either he breaks, or his spirit triumphs in the end, vide. Solhenitsyn. Did Jomo break? When he was drinking, or the bottle was withheld from him? You see, you can read an awful lot into that pithy reference by R W  Johnson; it surprises me that he himself did not dig deeper, it is such a cracking good story, you could hardly expect South Africa's foremost journalist to sit on it. Perhaps R W did not see it as within his remit, being too far north. Or maybe he could not stand it up, but the aside from Kitson, unusual from such a careful man, had been burning a hole in his [Johnson’s] pocket for so long that he had to drop it in somewhere, if only in a review of the two most seminal books in recent years on Mau Mau. And if Jomo was turned, who assisted this process, and what did that mean for Kenya? If Jomo was to come out fighting in the end, there would have been no indulgence towards the white settlers, for a start, and by extension, British interests. The question has tremendous bearing in the first place for Jomo's sycophantic biographers, particularly with regard to his post-Independence aggrandisement of power and land, but colossal implications for the interpretation of Kenya's recent history and decolonisation, and for the country's future. These are highly legitimate questions, and in history, deserve answers. As you say, now is the time to come clean, and failing Kitson himself, the answers lie on the ground in Kenya. There's not much hope from the official colonial record, very thin and patchy, and heavily weeded into the bargain.

 

With every assurance of my best intentions,

Haraka haraka haina Baraka,

Tembo - .

 

Dear John,

Greetings. We are on the record. I have indeed seen excerpts at least from Watkins, and it strikes me as an adulatory account of a man who quite clearly had singular hang-ups............Of course, he could not stoop to liaisons with local women. As such it is extremely suspect - we cannot be 'nice' about such travesties. Similarly, there are only the annual reports of the DOs to go on as to what was really taking place at Lokitaung - and the accounts of the inmates themselves, equally slanted and suspect. As for Whitehouse, I cannot imagine a more desultory existence for a man of considerable intellect to be stationed in such places.

 

To return to the demotic, I am listening to Bob Dylan's greatest hits, and I think this is equivalent to the nadir that Kenyatta reached in his six-year intellectual destitution at Lokitaung - only relieved by reading around in the world's religions - and by General China, who could hardly satisfy his craving for cerebral company:

 

Lord take this badge offa me

I can't use it anymore

It's getting dark too dark to see

Feel like I'm knocking on heaven's door

Knock, knock, knocking on heaven's door

Knock, knock, knocking on heaven's door,

Lord put my guns in the ground

I can't shoot them anymore

That long black cloud is coming down,

Feel I'm knocking on heaven's door

 

Kenyatta felt he was going nowhere - which is exactly where the British wanted him to be. Once he was drinking a bottle a day, Governor Evelyn Baring or whoever dispatched Kitson, who had distinguished himself along with Ian Henderson in the pseudo-gangs against the Mau Mau, up to Lokitaung with instructions to turn the man or not come back - at least, to the fast track. And that is precisely what Kitson did, and excelled himself in doing so, as he did at every subsequent stage of his career, even in the contentious cauldron of Northern Ireland.

 

I would not discount so glibly the word of a British army officer as related by South Africa's foremost journalist. I don't know exactly what more Kitson told R W Johnson, but I have sent him an email asking whether there was anything else apart from his brief quote in his review of Anderson and Elkins. I would like your permission to send your email to him, in the hope of eliciting a full disclosure,

With thanks again for your mentoring,

Haraka haraka haina Baraka,

Tembo -  .

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank_Kitson

 

demotic Main Entry: de•mot•ic  Pronunciation: \di-ˈmä-tik\ Function: adjective Etymology: Greek dēmotikos, from dēmotēs commoner, from dēmos Date: 1822 1 : of, relating to, or written in a simplified form of the ancient Egyptian hieratic writing 2 : POPULAR , COMMON <demotic idiom> 3 : of or relating to the form of Modern Greek that is based on everyday speech

 

 

Dear - ,

I think Kitson's memory deceived him. A mere captain, he was never in

charge of JK's detention, and never in Lokitaung. Try and get hold of

Elizabeth Watkins, _Jomo's Jailor_ (Britwell Books, Watlington, 1996)--a

life of Leslie Whitehouse or 'Wouse'. Very hagiographical but I think

nearer the truth than Kitson. I'll look at the land issue later. John

 

Dear Mr - ,
>>>         Nice to hear from you.
>>>         I doubt if Kenyatta was ever 'broken', angered yes.   Also, I
>>> think he distinguished between the British in the colonies, who would
>>> not listen to reason, and his Labour party friends in London who (he
>>> hoped) would. David Throup's book on the Economic & Social Origins of
>>> Mau Mau (1987) shows how much the colonial adm was prepared to bend the
>>> rule of law in defence of chiefs.   The (rather over-blown) analogy
>>> Kenyatta always drew was between the Harry Thuku bloodshed of 1922 and
>>> the 1923 'Devonshire Declaration' of 'native paramountcy': if colonials
>>> got rough and lawless Westminster got worried and did something.   He
>>> quite often prophesied that a dozen Kenyattas might have to get shot or
>>> jailed for freedom to come.
>>>
>>>         I think Kenyatta could probably be called a conservative
>>> democrat: he would have preferred responsibility to be shared by those
>>> with
>>> 'maturity'--ie, those with property, perhaps 70% of the population.   He
>>> never thought much of landless workers.   I try and explore his
>>> political thought in my chapter in Jan-Georg Deutsch (et al), _AFrican
>>> Modernities_ (Heinemann and Currey, 2002).
>>>
>>>         Baring had no option but to try Kenyatta.   His secretary of
>>>         state demanded it, to save his own political skin.   I genuinely
>>> do not know how far the result was guaranteed by Thacker in advance.
>>> The govt's main worry was that the prosecution witnesses would lose
>>> their nerve when faced by a glowering Kenyatta in court.  As I suggest
>>> in my 'Kenyatta's trials', the parade of legal majesty was
>>> inevitable--as was Kenyatta's refusal to distance himself from the real
>>> men of violence (they nearly did for him in jail in any case!)
>>>
>>>         The Kenyatta biography, 23 chapters long and 250,000 words at
>>> present (and in need of drastic surgery), concentrates on Kenyatta (and
>>> Leakey) before 1946, and has little 'politics' in it--so I don't think
>>> we stand in each other's way. JML

 

I think you could certainly say that Kapenguria confirmed Kenyatta's belief
that 'there is no society of angels'--a phrase I've detected three times in
his writings, as noted (I think) in 'Jomo Kenyatta, God, and Modernity'.
And I agree, the empire was dismantled pretty cannily, although there was
pan
ic at times, as in India 1947, and Kenya 1961-63.  JML

 

Christianity Among the Nomads By Paolo Tablino, PP37,38
http://books.google.co.uk/

books?id=D5WO_giMZbIC&pg=PA39&lpg=PA39&dq=Jomo+Kenyatta+%

2B+Maralal&source=web&ots=eLoeVkx2un&sig=D-EUaJmq5va3Ts72-YmH8-

YXAY8&hl=en&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=2&ct=result#PPA41,M1

 

I am convinced that the good rapport that the Kikuyu established with the locals was encouraged by the presence of Jomo Kenyatta, whom the British had transferred from Lodwar to Maralal. This transfer was felt as a preparation to independence and the Kikuyu in the town considered it as an honour even though he was still in detention. The Catholic Kikuyu, who were already happy about the presence of Troyer in the town, were even more encouraged by the fact that Kenyatta’s wife, Mama Ngina, and their two daughters attended mass in the Catholic mission. What the Consolata sisters wrote in their diary confirms my conviction.

 

‘After the Holy Mass, we take photographs of some children, among whom are the two daughters of Jomo Kenyatta, who on Sundays attend our church. (Diary, 28 June, 1961). Today a surprise: not less than a personal visit of our illustrious neighbour Jomo Kenyatta to the mission. He brought with him two Holy Ghost fathers who had come to visit him from Kiambu. They are the Rev. Fr Mac Gill, a great friend of Kenyatta and Fr Leench. They [the two priests] spent the night in the mission. Jomo was very affable with us, and promised he would come again. (Maralal Sisters’ Diary, 14 June 1961)

 

Jomo Kenyatta keeps his promise and today visits our whole mission. With him is his young wife, the gentle Ngina. Both pay a visit to the garden of St Carlantonia, who accompanies them in every corner. May the good Lord accompany and guide this man who is already considered by all his people as their leader. We can rightly say that from him depends the future of Kenya. We hope that his wife, who, thought not a Catholic, is a good person and inclined towards Catholicism (one of her brothers is a seminarian in Mororgoro, Tanganyika), may have a good influence on her husband, so that he may counteract those who would like to have a nation without God. (Maralal Sisters’ Diary, 15 July, 1961)

 

After the visit, Kenyatta signed the mission’s visitors’ book and wrote ‘In good memory of my first visit to the Catholic Mission Maralal, on 30th July, 1961, Jomo Kenyatta.’

 

On the same day he also visited Troyer’s Rural Training Centre and was given a pair of shoes. In the visitors’ book he put his signature under the following words: ‘The Catholic Mission Maralal has the pleasure to present to Mr Jomo Kenyatta the first – BREAK, I have just had a thought, what on earth was Major Frank Kitson doing up at Lokitaung, it was a bit out of the way for an ambitious career soldier like him, was it not? Unless he was sent there to finally break Kenyatta, by refusing him a drug that previously had been made freely available – with the same motive. Kenyatta dries out – probably going through cold turkey, which is not pleasant – and is amenable to suggestions

pair of shoes made in the Rural Training Course by Samburu and Turkana pupils.’

 

Our father-in-charge [Fr Rosano] and Sr Arcangela visit Jomo Kenyatta at his house. (a permission is required, which can only be obtained from Nairobi.) We stay for more than half an hour with him and his wife, who kindly offers us tea. Kenyatta wants to talk in his native language, Kikuyu, and conversing with him we find that he is very cordial, serene and expansive. One could not imagine that has [sic] suffered nine years of exile and detention for love of the liberation of his people. Every day he is visited here in Maralal by important persons, Africans, Europeans, Indians, Goans, who want to see him and talk with him. Anyone must get a permit from Nairobi. For everyone Jomo is already the man who has the task of leading the new free Kenya (Maralal Sisters’ Diary, 30 July, 1961)

 

For the last time the father-in-charge and Sr Arcangela pay a visit to Jomo Kenyatta. In a few days time he will proceed free to Kiambu. He is even more cordial than the other times and with his wife and daughters accompany us to the car when we leave, telling us: ‘Come to visit us at Kiambu.’ (Maralal Sisters’ Diary, 12 August 1961)

 

Just today, vigil of the Assumption, Kenyatta leaves for Kiambu. At

 

Comment:

 

Publish & be damned!

Frank Kitson went on to become General Kitson & THE authority on British Army counter insurgency in the Malayan campaign.....

 

Jomo SHOULD be venerated as the father of the country, but his policy of getting the family snouts in the trough showed the way for 4 decades of elite plundering of Kenya.

I really don't know......how about the hero Dedan Kimathi? Was he?

 

We get to who writes the history there, but as a white Kenyan I find the whole blackwashing of Kenya's history (which means ignoring the colonial period when Kenya was made entirely..) very interesting.

 

By god we are better off than our neighbours.....how is that the case? Could it be because of the wicked colonial past??

 

Useful links, addresses, and other material:

 

"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank_Kitson

 

Esteemed reader from Australia:

 

 I am surprised to read that Kenyatta was involved in the post-independence "transfer" of land to Kikuyu people. If so, what was his motivation, given that he seemed to be proud of being the "Mzee" who led all the people, not just the Kikuyu and related tribes, in the newly self-governing country? Was his very different to Nelson Mandela's sensible approach in South Africa thirty years later? Was it that Kenyatta had many paybacks to meet and politically could not afford to stop the corrupt property deals? Was it that he and his government ministers just did not understand economics, did not realise that they needed to manage very carefully the economy of their quite poor country and in particular maintain the productivity of the large farms, maintaining the surplus for essential exports? Or was it just a failure to understand the need for the ethical behaviour among leaders on which our democratic system is ultimately so dependent?

 

January 9, 2005

REVIEWED BY R W JOHNSON

BRITAIN'S GULAG: The Brutal End of Empire in Kenya

by Caroline Elkins

Cape £20 pp475

HISTORIES OF THE HANGED: Britain's Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire

by David Anderson

Weidenfeld £20 pp406

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,2102-1426736,00...

 

newsdesk@sunday-times.co.uk; foreigndesk@sunday-times.co.uk

 

‘But for all his apparent extrovert nature Kenyatta kept his inner thoughts to himself. There was always something devious about him. Often he gave the impression of one who was afraid he was being watched, and that strangers might be police agents. Somewhere into his character had entered a fear of the unknown and a corresponding desire to master his environment. It was this mixture of fear and ambition which had driven him to Thogoto, to Europe and to Russia, and into staying in England when everyone was urging him to return to Kenya. And the deviousness showed itself in his use of other people, about which Kenyatta could be quite unscrupulous, even brutal.’ P215, ‘Kenyatta’,  Jeremy Murray-Brown, written by a journalist, and still recognised thirty-four years after its publication, as the seminal and authoritative biography of Kenyatta; this refers to the African leader’s English ‘exile’.

 

General Frank Kitson, Wikipedia biography:

 

[edit] Writings

His earlier published work on counter-gangs and measures of deception, including the use of defectors, continues to provoke strong opinions. Although sometimes wrongly credited with inventing concepts of pseudo-gangs and pseudo-operations (for example, used earlier in the Huk Insurrection[30] in the Philippines), his writing gave the issue a wider audience.[citation needed] In retirement he has given evidence to the Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday in Northern Ireland.[13]

 

[edit] Selected bibliography

        Gangs and Counter-gangs (1960), Barrie and Rockliff

        Low Intensity Operations: Subversion, Insurgency and Peacekeeping (1971), Faber and Faber - reprint 1991 ISBN 0-571-16181-2

        Bunch of Five (1977)

        Prince Rupert: Admiral and General-at-sea (1998), Constable and Robinson

        Old Ironsides: The Military Biography of Oliver Cromwell (2004), Weidenfeld Military

[edit] See also

        False flag operations (similar to pseudo-operations)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank_Kitson

 

In Gangs and Counter-gangs, Barrie and Rockliff, London, 1960, Major Frank Kitson mentions a Mau Mau raid where body parts of an old African were taken to be used in the oathing ceremony later:

 

'The gang, frenzied by the thought of blood, slashed around with their simis (a Kikuyu sword) and fired their guns. One old man, slower than the rest, was caught and hamstrung. He fell at the feet of his pursuers, covering his face with his arms to protect it from the slicing swords, but a mouse in a mechanical mincing machine would have had a better chance of survival. One terrorist hacked off a foot, and another sliced off his testicles to use later in an Oathing ceremony. A third gouged out his eyes with a staple and put them in his pocket for the same purpose. When they had finished, most of the gang came by to cut and stab the twitching corpse. They then licked the blood off their simis and moved off into the night, having first set fire to all the huts they could see.

Other writers have stated that there were at least seven stages of oath-taking, which might take several days or weeks to complete and which could include the drinking of blood, eating portions of human flesh, cohabiting with animals, and ingesting bits of brains from disinterred corpses. After the seventh stage of the oath-taking had been reached, the members had to repeat the cycle and reinforce their vows by beginning again.

There may be some truth to the use of sex and perversion in the oath. Some experts believe it was a form of psychological warfare used by the leaders to assure that the soldiers could not fall under the control of their village elders and chiefs. Sexual perversion is taboo in all contexts so far as the Kikuyu tribe is concerned. By forcing the members of the Mau Mau to perform such sexual activities, they were filled with guilt and self-loathing and ashamed to return to their village. It tied the fighters to the insurgency forever.

Other sources make the oath sound more conservative. One gives an example of what he thinks the oath probably was:

I swear that I will fight for the African soil that the white man has stolen from us. I swear that I will always try to trick a white man and any imperialist into accompanying me, strangle him, and take his gun and any valuables he may be carrying. I swear that I will offer all available help and further the cause of Mau Mau. I swear that I will kill, if necessary, anybody opposed to this organization.

A second source claims that the oath was as follows:

I speak the truth and vow before God
And before this movement,
The movement of Unity,
The Unity which is put to the test
The Unity that is mocked with the name of 'Mau Mau',
That I shall go forward to fight for the land,
The lands of Kirinyaga that we cultivated,
The lands which were taken by the Europeans.
And if I fail to do this
May this oath kill me...

The members took one oath when they joined and another when they went into the forest and away from their villages and homes. The second oath allegedly was:

I speak the truth and vow before our God:
If I am called to go to fight the enemy
Or to kill the enemy I shall go,
Even if the enemy be my father or mother,
My brother or sister
And if I refuse
May this oath kill me...

After a time everyone was forced to take the oath again. Soon, the oaths began to lose power because of the constant repetition. Even worse for the guerrilla, each time they took the oath they were charged thirty or forty shillings for the privilege of joining a society of which he was already a member. It became clear to many of the disenchanted fighters that this magical oath was just a way for the leadership to raise funds. Worse for the Mau Mau leaders, as the members left the organization and did not suffer a painful and agonizing death, it became clear that the oath had no magical power and was just a myth.'

 

http://images.google.co.uk/imgres?imgurl=http://www.psywar.org/psywar/images/ FrankKitson.jpg&imgrefurl=http://www.psywar.org/

 

For good if sparse account of Ian Henderson, see:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ian_Henderson_(police_officer)

 

Other assorted links and quotes:

 

‘The ‘public’ [at Kapenguria] consisted of wives of settlers and of government officers who applauded every point which seemed to go against Kenyatta. But Nairobi journalists and half a dozen of the best foreign correspondents of the English Press were there, along with government photographers. The government intended, no doubt, to humiliate Kenyatta and impress such Africans as were present with the power of the colonial regime. In the long run the steps taken to destroy him in the eyes of his people ensured his resurrection as their suffering servant.’ PP 260, 261, Kenyatta, Murray-Brown

 

‘The court interpreter was none other than L.S.B. Leakey, Kenyatta’s old opponent, to whom Pritt was forced to object, after five weeks of pressure by his clients….He puts things in and he puts things out. He is a partial interpreter.” [Leakey was eventually replaced.] P262, Kenyatta, Murray-Brown.

 

‘At a settler meeting in Nakuru a demand was made for the immediate shooting of 50,000 Kikuyu.’ P264, Kenyatta, Murray-Brown.

 

Lokitaung  was ‘designed to destroy the soul’ P281, Kenyatta, Murray-Brown

 

‘The settlers of Kenya had always carried an influence disproportionate to their numbers, but they rightly felt that it was they and their predecessors who had made Kenya what it was. The colonial mission in East Africa was founded on white settlement, and it was fitting that Kenyatta should now meet them in Delamere’s old stronghold [Nakuru]. He won them over in a notable appeal to forgive and forget the past.’ P309, Kenyatta, Murray-Brown.

 

‘The long months of solitude at Lokitaung, examining the secrets of his own heart and the ways of mankind, left him with no illusions about man’s fall from grace and sinful nature.’ P322, Kenyatta, Murray-Brown.

 

http://www.nationaudio.com/News/DailyNation/18022004/News/News_Spotlight180220043.html
DAILY NATION News Spotlight, Wednesday, February 18, 2004 
                    Villagers' fond memories of Mau Mau hero Kimathi, by MUCHEMI WACHIRA         

 

He was an esteemed and recognised community leader having been one of the people who had excelled in education.

Mr Kanyui Muita, 69, who was Kimathi's neighbour and ally in the forest during the Mau Mau struggle, describes the slain Field Marshall as a wise leader and a mobiliser, a hero and a man who was reputed for his wit in resolving conflicts and rallying people to take part in development projects.

And one of Kimathi's close family friends, Mrs Priscilla Wangui, remembers him for his jovial mood and good-humoured character.

"We knew of all Kimathi's movements in the village due to his powerful voice. He used to speak loudly in a commanding voice (though with wit) such that whenever he opened his mouth to talk, the whole village would feel his presence," she explains.

Wangui also points out that Kimathi's smiling face always made him approachable by people of all walks of life. 

Kimathi was among the few people in Karuna-ini Village in Muhoyas, Tetu Division, who had successfully completed intermediate schooling at Tumutumu, where he had enrolled in the early 1940's after passing his lower primary school exam at Karuna-ini.

"It was known in the village that Kimathi was one of the best people in passing judgements. And he was always diplomatic when resolving these dispute to ensure that he did not hurt any party," Mr Muita recalls.

Kimathi also well respected for being dynamic and enterprising. He was humble and took time to listen to people's argument before making a judgement.

"Whenever there was need for labour on village farms, like tilling, planting or even harvesting, Kimathi was among the people who were trusted by the village elders in organising gangs of men and women for labour," Mr Muita says.

"He used to gather us together when we were very small children just to teach us the importance of communal work. He kept telling us the value of devoting ourselves to work for our community and our country." 

Mr Muita recalls one of the meetings where Kimathi tried to create awareness among the children that their country was at the hands of an enemy. "He clearly explained to us how the white man had subjected us to servitude by taking away our land. We were very young by then and there was a big gathering in one of the farms in the village where people had met to harvest crops," he says............. 

................."I have never met a person of Kimathi's nature in my life. He believed that everyone had a right to own land and property and that exploiting another person was the worst sin," Wangui says.

 

http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,819246,00.html

My Buddy

TIME, Monday, Nov. 16, 1953

 

To save his pursuer undue trouble, Kimathi politely replied (in a letter to a local newspaper in Nairobi): "I shall be away from Kenya in November and December visiting Uganda, the Sudan and Egypt. After that, I attend a Pan-African conference in Lusaka, Northern Rhodesia. (Signed) Kimathi, Marshal and Commander-in-Chief. Defense Council, Land Freedom Army."

 

http://www.bluegecko.org/kenya/tribes/kikuyu/articles-kimathi.htm

 

The Death of Dedan Kimathi, by Peter Swan:

 

............Jomo Kenyatta never accepted responsibility for the terrorist acts of the Mau Mau during my stay in Kenya, and his leadership following Uhuru was highly commendable. His incarceration, together with the hundreds of other suspects at the time of the emergency is impossible to justify in today's political climate. Much blame must be laid at the feet (or maybe the desks) of the bureaucrats that try to run the colonies from Whitehall..................

 

            

                 Captives herded together                  Under the muzzle of a Bren gun           'Mau Mau suspects surrender'

 

.............The following tale of mal-administration that took place after I had been moved out of the Meru Reserve (after two years) and into the Nyeri Settled Area where my task was again to run a police post with an all African staff. Nyeri was the Headquarters of the Central Province which included the Kikuyu, Embu and Meru Native Reserves..............


 

.................This time it was at an abandoned farm known as Tozers. Dedan Kimathi's role was to lead the gangs under his control in a fight against the British Raj, the local settlers, but mainly against those elders of his tribe who continued to prefer the status quo underneath the Colonial Government. It was while visiting Nyeri township from Tozer's Police Post that I was instructed to get prepared for special duties, together with Eric Bridges an ex Marine, also with a 'bush' reputation.
   My hopes that we were being lined up for an active service operation were dashed when I discovered that our special duties were to stand guard on the recently captured Dedan Kimathi. He was being brought in from the reserve where he had been wounded and captured by Tribal Police and the local Home Guard. The arrangements for the guard were for a twelve hours on, twelve hours off tour of duty. A Police Inspector Eric,) or (me would remain at all times, with Dedan Kimathi. He had been allocated a private room in Nyeri General Hospital. We were both armed with a 9mm Sten sub machine gun and a fairly innocuous .38 pistol, a mere peashooter. A Police Corporal and two Askaris were stationed outside of the ground floor window. There were believed to be three potential threats to holding on to the prisoner.
   Remnants of his gang trying to rescue him local Kikuyu wanting to kill him, or white settlers setting out to do the same. "Whatever happens, make sure that bastard cops his lot," was the comment from the office bound Superintendent who gave me, my instructions..............

 

                                        King's African Rifles patrol with white officer, hunting Mau Mau terrorists


..............He was, I discovered, soon after joining him in the hospital, well versed in English and we later spent time swapping tales of our bush activities in that language................


...............Inside the small room allocated to us, Dedan Kimathi's odour assiduously assailed my nostrils. I could only hope that my soapy odour caused him just the as much discomfort. Altogether, we spent quite a while together. After the initial restraint, the discovery that he had visited the Police Post area I had controlled in the Meru Reserve helped to build up a rapport of sorts. The stream of visitors that tried to gain access to see the Mau Mau leader strengthened the rapport................


....................Superintendent Ian Henderson, who had led Special Branch Pseudo Gangs, paid a rueful visit. His efforts had been largely instrumental in eliminating Dedan Kimathi's body-guard and forcing him to keep on the move until he eventually fell foul of members of his own tribe. He would, quite obviously, have preferred to make capture himself................

 

              

.............In Nyeri, Dedan Kimathi was place outside of the Hospital on his stretcher while the howling pack of reporters, (with the nearest means of transmitting their stories and photos a hundred miles away,) shouted and screamed at one another. "Move your head, I can't get my shot", "I was here first! You've got to wait!"
"I say, Mister Policeman. Would you point your gun at him so we can get you both in the picture?".............

 

.............."Can you speak to him? Can you ask him to turn his head so I can get a side shot?"
I asked Dedan in Swahili and he complied. His face held a look of cold anger and I regretted making the request.
"Can you get him to look the other way?"
"He speaks good English. Ask him yourself."...............

 
...................The bleating of the press, who want wars and disputes to stop while they write stories and take pictures, then throw their hands up, aghast when one of their numbers gets killed, never fail to fill me with contempt. My sympathies were entirely with the prisoner during this press session, and our failure to co-operate ensured a quick finish to their efforts................

 

.................Dedan and I swapped yarns about my old Police Station at Kionyo and the local [Mau Mau] leader, Brigadier Martin; a man I had never met on a conversational basis although it seems we had exchanged shots. The Kionyo area was remarkable for the occasional sound, very much like a train hurtling a tunnel, when the nearest train was over two hundred miles away..........

 
............The precautions smacked of a panicking chairborn leadership. Dean Kimathi and I sat and read the books that I brought in to pass the time. Our conversations were occasional and without animosity or conflict on either side. He knew the penalty for his activity was death, and he expected that sentence. He believed that the sentence would not be executed and that he would survive. There was a quiet and distant confidence in his belief. He could give no reason for such a feeling. My belief was that the man deserved to die for his crimes. I wondered if he would...........

 

..............After about three weeks, my duties came to an end, and my companions' trial began. I was again called into the police HQ at Nyeri. My instructions were given me by a rather short, fresh complexioned senior police officer, one of the many dynamic paper shufflers that were indigenous to the warren of offices.


"You'll take your station Land rover, a corporal and two men and patrol road to the north of the township. Have you got that?"
Words of one syllable I understand. I nodded.
"If there is any movement at all of Kikuyu into town, you will inform Nyeri control by radio. Any questions?"
"If there's any movement, it'll be along the tracks from Mweiga, Karatina, Fort Hall. Possibly the Kinancop. There's no way the Kukes would use the road."
"Why can't you ever do what you're told without comment?"
"I've never seen any Kikuyu yet with any sort of transport other than shank's pony!"
"You've got your orders. Just carry them out!"
"Give me Sergeant Kibitok, Corporal Chebi and half a dozen Askaris and you'll get all the information you want on the movement of the Kikuyu."
"These instructions come direct from the Colonial Office!"


A commuter from suburbia to the city of London dressed in his pin stripes, complete with bowler hat and brolley seriously concerned about completing the daily Telegraph crossword had made his decision. Ever wonder how we lost the colonies?


Dedan Kimathi was found guilty of terrorist offences and sentenced to death. A prison officer told me that right up to the time he was taken from his cell, he did not believe the sentence would be carried out. He was hung and the body displayed to the public to prevent any stories of his invincibility being generated.


A main street in Nairobi is named after Dedan Kimathi. There is a back alley named Peter's Walk by Wells Park in Sydenham where the house I lived in once stood. It is not named after me. It is also unlikely that the decision-makers, paper shufflers, the Colonial career men of those days in Kenya will be remembered by anyone other than their next of kin. It seems that Kimathi was right. He has survived.'

 

Press conference at Maralal:

 

Kenyatta was shortly thereafter moved to Maralal, a pleasant hill station half-way between Lodwar and Nairobi. On 11 April sixty-five newspapermen, television commentators and cameramen, including a handful of Africans, travelled the 180 miles from Nairobi, either by an alarmingly primitive road or tiny Piper planes to meet him. Renison's [Sir Patrick Renison, who took over from Baring] 'debunking' operation was about to begin. The Governor had, in the present author's contemporary account, 'left no doubt that he was deliberately using the press as an instrument of government', to prise open the mystery of 'whether Kenyatta was mentally and physically capable of taking part in politics, whether he was aware of recent developments and in what frame of mind he looked to the future.'


The man who appeared was vigorous and in complete command of himself. He was bearded and wore a leather jerkin and corduroy trousers, red tie, and multi-coloured shirt. He was carrying a staff with a circular handle and an ornamental fly-whisk. He had a deep voice and spoke slowly in generally fluent English, with an occasional searching for a half-remembered word. The contemporary account went on:

 
The press conference started slowly and in almost too velvety a tone; all the necessary questions were courteously put and conscientiously answered during the course of three hours........Kenyatta, so he says, has always believed in non-violence and will never change; he has dedicated his life to African nationalism but any resident of any colour can, if he wishes and obeys the laws, become a citizen of independent Kenya with equal rights; and he ungrudgingly acknowledges the need for an African Government to have outside advisers and capital..........But he bore no grudge. The two sides in the Kikuyu civil war - those in the forest and those in the Home Guards - should equally be accepted now as 'brothers and sisters'.....

From 'The Politics of the Independence of Kenya', by Keith Kyle, PP 128, 129.

 


Tembo Caloglu paragraph:

 

Kenyatta was a powerful and magisterial orator. He skillfully interwove peasant idioms and beliefs with abstract concepts such as democracy. Yet he could be harsh as well, and in front of hostile crowds, bravely castigated those who opposed him. This speech was given to a huge crowd but three months before his arrest in 1952 (and attended, significantly, by Henderson, then from Special Branch):

 

The Kenya African Union is not the Mau Mau, by Jomo Kenyatta

 

... I want you to know the purpose of KAU. It is the biggest purpose the African has. It involves every African in Kenya and it is their mouthpiece which asks for freedom. KAU is you and you are the KAU If we unite now, each and every one of us, and each tribe to another, we will cause the implementation in this country of that which the European calls democracy. True democracy has no colour distinction. It does not choose between black and white. We are here in this tremendous gathering under the KAU flag to find which road leads us from darkness into democracy. In order to find it we Africans must first achieve the right to elect our own representatives. That is surely the first principle of democracy. We are the only race in Kenya which does not elect its own representatives in the Legislature and we are going to set about to rectify this situation. We feel we are dominated by a handful of others who refuse to be just. God said this is our land. Land in which we are to flourish as a people. We are not worried that other races are here with us in our country, but we insist that we are the leaders here, and what we want we insist we get. We want our cattle to get fat on our land so that our children grow up in prosperity; we do not want that fat removed to feed others. He who has ears should now hear that KAU claims this land as its own gift from God and I wish those who are black, white or brown at this meeting to know this. KAU speaks in daylight. He who calls us the Mau Mau is not truthful. We do not know this thing Mau Mau. We want to prosper as a nation, and as a nation we demand equality, that is equal pay for equal work. Whether it is a chief, headman or labourer be needs in these days increased salary. He needs a salary that compares with a salary of a European who does equal work. We will never get our freedom unless we succeed in this issue. We do not want equal pay for equal work tomorrow - we want it right now. Those who profess to be just must realize that this is the foundation of justice. It has never been known in history that a country prospers without equality. We despise bribery and corruption, those two words that the European repeatedly refers to. Bribery and corruption is prevalent in this country, but I am not surprised. As long as a people are held down, corruption is sure to rise and the only answer to this is a policy of equality. If we work together as one, we must succeed.

 

Our country today is in a bad state for its land is full of fools -and fools in a country delay the independence of its people. KAU seeks to remedy this situation and I tell you now it despises thieving, robbery and murder for these practices ruin our country. I say this because if one man steals, or two men steal, there are people sitting close by lapping up information, who say the whole tribe is bad because a theft has been committed. Those people are wrecking our chances of advancement. They will prevent us getting freedom. If I have my own way, let me tell you I would butcher the criminal, and there are more criminals than one in more senses than one.

 

The policeman must arrest an offender, a man who is purely an offender, but lie must not go about picking up people with a small horn of liquor in their hands and march them in procession with his fellow policemen to Government and say he has got a Mau Mau amongst the Kikuyu people. The plain clothes man who hides in the hedges must, I demand, get the truth of our words before be flies to Government to present them with false information. I ask this of them who arc in the meeting to take heed of my words and do their work properly and justly...

 

... Do not be scared of the few policemen under those trees who are holding their rifles high in the air for you to see. Their job is to seize criminals, and we shall save them a duty today. I will never ask you to be subversive but I ask you to be united, for the day of Independence is the day of complete unity and if we unite completely tomorrow, our independence will come tomorrow. This is the day for you to work bard for your country, it is not words but deeds that count and the deeds I ask for come from your pockets. The biggest subscribers to KAU are in this order. First, Thomson's Falls branch, second, Elburgon branch and third Gatundu branch. Do you, in Nyeri branch, want to beat them? Then let us see your deeds come forth.

 

I want to touch on a number of points, and I ask you for the hundredth time to keep quiet whilst I do this. We want self-government, but this we will never get if we drink beer. It is harming our country and making people fools and encouraging crime. It is also taking all our money. Prosperity is a prerequisite of independence and, more important, the beer we are drinking is harmful to our birthrate. You sleep with a woman for nothing if you drink beer. It causes your bones to weaken and if you want to increase the population of the Kikuyu you must stop drinking.

 

... KAU is not a fighting union that uses fists and weapons. If any of you here think that force is good, I do not agree with you: remember the old saying that he who is hit with a rungu [club] returns, but he who is hit with justice never comes back. I do not want people to accuse us falsely - that we steal and that we are Mau Mau. I pray to you that we join hands for freedom and freedom means abolishing criminality. Beer harms us and those who drink it do us harm and they may be the so-called Mau Mau. Whatever grievances we have, let us air them here in the open. The criminal does not ,want freedom and land - he wants to line his own pocket. Let us therefore demand our rights justly. The British Government has discussed the land problem in Kenya and we hope to have a Royal Commission to this country to look into the land problem very shortly. When this Royal Commission comes, let us show it that we are a good peaceful people and not thieves and robbers.'

 

Kenyatta was arrested three months after delivering this speech, and after a farcical trial was sentenced to seven years of hard labour for "managing the Mau Mau", incitement to violence and subversion. He became the first leader of independent Kenya in 1963.

                                                                   http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tom_Mboya

 

Raila Odinga: An Enigma in Kenyan Politics  By Babafemi Adesina Badejo

 

Kenyatta opens hospital in Kisumu, crowd shootings. Makes speech (p75, from Odhiambo):

 

‘Now, I want, before opening this hospital, I want to say a few words; and I will start with the Kiswahili proverb which states that “the thanks of a donkey are its hind kick.” We have come here to bring you luck, to bring a hospital which is for treating the citizens, and now there are some writhing little insects, little insects of the KPU, who have dared to come here to speak dirty words, dirty words. I am very glad to be here with friend Odinga, who is the leader of these people here. And I wish to say, if it were not for the respect I have for our friendship, Odinga, I would have said that you get locked up today….

 

.......so that we see who rules over these citizens, whether it is KANU, or some many little insects who rule over this country……

 

..…On my part I do say this, if these people are dirty, if they bring about nonsense, we shall show them that Kenya has got its government. They dare not play around with us, and you Bwana Odinga as an individual, you know that I do not play around. I have left you free for a long time because you are my friend. Were it not so, you yourself know what I would have done. It is not your business to tell me where to throw you; I personally know where. Maybe you think I cannot throw you into detention in Manyani because you are my special friend…....

 

..........And therefore today I am speaking in a very harsh voice, and while I am looking at you directly, and I am telling you the truth in front of these people. Tell these people of yours to desist. If not, they are going to feel my full wrath. And me, I do not play around at all………They are chanting Dume, Dume – Bull, Bull. Your mothers’ cunts, this Dume, Dume…..

 

…..And me, I want to tell you Odinga, while you are looking at me with your two eyes wide open; I have given my orders right now; those creeping insects of yours are to be crushed like flour. They are to be crushed like flour if they play with us. You over there, do not make noise there. I will come over there and crush you myself.’

 

Quoted from: E.S. Atieno Odhiambo, “Ethnic Cleansing and Civil Society in Kenya, 1969-1992,” unpublished paper, pp. 4-7. The speech given in Kiswahili was translated in the paper.

 

Tembo’s closing comment: For Dedan Kimathi, and the Mau Mau, and their banner, ‘Land and Freedom’; and for Barack Obama:  from Abraham Lincoln’s elegy at the bloody Civil War battleground of Gettysburg:

 

‘Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. ...........

 

....................It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.’

 

Dearly beloved readers, unfortunately there is a deadline to meet, and I cannot give you any more information or links here: however, there is plenty available on application, Tembo Caloglu, Editor, ‘Kenya Tembo’ (See Contact Us page for communication details, etc.).

 

 

'Haraka haraka haina baraka' - old Swahili proverb: 'haste, haste, no peace'

Logo tembo, with irate chum: